Sunday, 11 January 2026

The Identity of the Person from Porlock

[Image from Daniel Paterson, Paterson's British Itinerary: Being a New and Accurate Delineation and Description of the Direct and Principal Cross Roads of Great Britain (1800), 195. The Quantocks are at the bottom]


The story is one of the most famous in literature. In 1797 Coleridge was living in Nether Stowey, a village at the foot of the Quantocks. One day he was out walking, as he often was, when he felt ill. He approached a nearby farmhouse and, suffering as he self-diagnosed with ‘dysentery’, he took ‘two grains of Opium’, as analgesic, or curative, or perhaps both. He was, he says, reading Purchas His Pilgrimage, and had just read the following passage:

In Xaindu did Cublai Can build a stately Palace, encompassing sixteene miles of plaine ground inclosed with a wall …
Then he fell asleep. In that sleep, he says, he dreamed an entire poem, of unusual quality, and when he awoke the poem was still in his mind. So, taking up pen and ink, he wrote it down. In the Preface to the 1816 (first) publication of the poem, he describes what happened, talking about himself in the third person:
On awakening he appeared to himself to have a distinct recollection of the whole, and taking his pen, ink, and paper, instantly and eagerly wrote down the lines that are here preserved. At this moment he was unfortunately called out by a person on business from Porlock, and detained by him above an hour, and on his return to his room, found, to his no small surprise and mortification, that though he still retained some vague and dim recollection of the general purport of the vision, yet, with the exception of some eight or ten scattered lines and images, all the rest had passed away like the images on the surface of a stream into which a stone has been cast, but, alas! without the after restoration of the latter!
Adam Nicolson, retracing Coleridge’s walks through the Quantocks, makes a good case that the place at which Coleridge stopped was Withycombe farm (it no longer exists, but the waters feeding its pond—a local farmer tells Nicolson that ‘every house had a pond’—still flows: ‘the water of the Withycombe stream still bubbles through that abandoned place. The stone dam across the stream, built to make the pond, is still there, but broken, so that the stream now runs over the flat and nettly bed of what was once the pond. On its edge, an enormous oak, undoubtedly growing when Coleridge was here, is now encrusted and burdened with ivy’ [Nicolson, The Making of Poetry: Coleridge, the Wordsworths and Their Year of Marvels (William Collins 2017), 143]). Other local farms have been proposed by other scholars.

The book Coleridge was reading was Purchas, his Pilgrimes, or Relations of the World and Religions Observed in All Ages and Places Discovered, from the Creation to the Present (1613) by English clergyman Samuel Purchas. Amongst many other things, Purchas retold various stories from Marco Polo’s expedition, including a brief description of ‘Xandu’, the summer capital of the Mongol ruler Kublai Khan (the section Coleridge himself cites is misquoted: the actual words are ‘In Xandu did Cublai Can build a stately Pallace, encompassing sixteen miles of plaine ground with a wall, wherein are fertile Meddowes, pleasant Springs, delightfull streames, and all sorts of beasts of chase and game, and in the middest thereof a sumptuous house of pleasure, which may be moved from place to place.’ [4.12.415]). 

Coleridge's ‘Preface’ is clear: he walked, he sojurned at a farmhouse, he took some opium, he read some Purchas, he fell asleep, he dreamed the poem, he woke and started writing it, he was interrupted by somebody come on business from Porlock, he was distracted for an hour, when he went back to complete the poem all memory of it had vanished from his head.

Is the story true? There are a number of reasons for thinking not.

1. If Coleridge was not at home, but was in a farmhouse at which he had stopped only because he was ill (that is, he hadn’t told people at home that he was visiting a particular place, so they would not be in a position to redirect a caller seeking Coleridge [who would, naturally, come first to the poet’s house]) how did the Person from Porlock know where to find him?

2. Purchas His Pilgrimage is a very large and heavy book: a fat folio, rare and very expensive. Nor was the copy Coleridge read his own (it belonged to Wordsworth). It is assuredly not the kind of book a walker would stick in his backpack and take with him. Nor is it the kind of book a Somerset farmer would have at home. So we can be as close to certain as all getout that the specific sequence of events Coleridge relates—he walked, he felt ill and took refuge in a nearby farmer’s house, he ingested opium, he brought out his copy of Purchas His Pilgrimage and started reading, he fell asleep, he woke and immediately started writing-out his dream poem (he wouldn’t carry pen, inkwell and paper on a countryside walk: so would have had to ask the farmer for some, itself an unlikely thing to do)—is untrue.

3. If Coleridge, opiated, was reading Purchas immediately before falling asleep and dreaming the poem, he must have been at home. It’s sixteen miles from Porlock to Nether Stowey: a considerable distance, and not one a visitor would travel on a whim. The ‘business’, whatever it was, must have been important. But what could it have been? Not a publishing matter, clearly. What then? What, realistically, would motivate a ‘business-person’ to make such a trek? Porlock mosly traded lime and coal. Such coal as Coleridge needed for his own fires would not be commercial quantities, and would much more likely be puchased from nearer (and larger) Minehead, or closer to home than that. He had no use for lime.  

This looks like a confabulation. It’s very possible that Coleridge went walking one day, felt indisposed and knocked on a farmhouse door. It’s also possible that, on that occasion, he took some opium, and slept. But he would certainly not have read Purchas in that location, would not have started scribbling down the poem as soon as he woke, and the ‘Person from Porlock’ would not have been able to find him in such a place.

It's also possible that Coleridge took some opium in his house at Nether Stowey (in fact he know we often did so), fell asleep, dreamt a poem, and started writing it down on waking. A ‘Person from Porlock’, seeking Coleridge, would naturally come to his house, and so it’s also possible that STC was interrupted in writing a poem by a visitor. But perhaps there never was an interruption. Stevie Smith’s ‘Thoughts about the Person from Porlock’ (1962) argues that
Coleridge received the Person from Porlock
And ever after called him a curse,
Then why did he hurry to let him in?
He could have hid in the house.

It was not right of Coleridge in fact it was wrong
(But often we all do wrong)
As the truth is I think he was already stuck
With Kubla Khan.
Stuck is one possibility of course—though we might argue that ‘Kubla Khan’ is in no meaningful sense a fragment, but is rather one of the most perfectly finished and completed poems in the language.

What follows is some speculative considerations on this situation, the ‘Person from Porlock’ and the whole circumstance of the creation of ‘Kubla Khan’. It ends on a surprising and original (and I fear unconvincing) theory as to who the Person from Porlock actually was. To that end I draw on William George Maton’s Observations relative chiefly to the natural history, picturesque scenery, and antiquities, of the western counties of England, made in the years 1794 and 1796. Illustrated by a mineralogical map, and sixteen views (1797)—written and published just as Coleridge was writing ‘Kubla Khan’. I can’t find evidence that Coleridge knew or met Maton (it’s not particularly likely: they moved in different social circles: Maton went on to become a high-society physician, and attended the royal family)—but I would be surprised if Coleridge was unaware of this particular book, since it details the landscape, geology and flora of his own county.


Maton records the whole territory between Porlock and ‘Over-Stowey’ (up the Quantocks, east and above Nether Stowey) in great detail. The land, he says, is ‘gritstone and killas’ (this latter a West Country word for clay-y soil) much mined for copper: ‘this substance may be observed to prevail about Porlock and also near Over-Stowey: here the ground has been opened for mining, and a vein of copper has been worked.’ [Maton, 110]. We think of Coleridge walking the kind of Somerset landscape he describes in ‘This Lime Tree Bower My Prison’, but Maton gives a different sense of the topographic specifics, and the valleys and culverts of ‘Kubla Khan’ may reflect not just the land itself, which of course Coleridge knew intimately, but Maton's description thereunto—‘But oh that deep romantic chasm which slanted/Down the green hill athwart a cedarn cover!’ (not cedars, which are Mediterranean and Asian trees, not native British—there are some cedars in south Somerset, but they were planted later). What I hadn’t considered is that Coleridge, walking the landscape around his house, would have encountered a number of open-cast copper mines, and how this might have fed into his imaginative recreation of Kubla’s territory.

Porlock, too, is (as the cliché has it) a land of contrasts, a place that contextualises Coleridge's poem in interesting ways: on the one hand, pleasant cultivated land (‘fertile ground … gardens bright with sinuous rills … sunny spots of greenery’); on the other a wild and rocky landscape interpenetrated with caverns and subterranean hollownesses (‘that deep romantic chasm which slanted … a savage place … from this chasm, with ceaseless turmoil seething a mighty fountain was forced … burst dancing rocks … the caverns measureless to man’). Here’s Maton on Porlock:
West-Porlock has a quay and pier; lime and coal are landed here from Wales, and several articles from other places.—This village is situated at the corner of a beautiful bay terminating in a fort of semicircular area, which is almost entirely enclosed by hills and smiles with verdure and cultivation. Boffington-point, forming the eastern and opposite corner, presents a grand scene of craggy rocks, some torn from the main land, other hollowed into caverns by frequent tempests, and the rest elevating themselves in the boldest manner to the height of full three hundred feet.—On the eminences above the village there are hanging woods of beech, oak and elm, which, with the crags peeping above the foliage, have an uncommon richness and luxuriance of effect. Stretching along the mountains that slope towards the Severn, and encircling their feet as well as their brows, this continued thicket tempted us to ramble through the shady mazes … winding in a zigzag manner among the declivities, and continually interrupted by projections of rock and roots of trees. [Maton, 93-4]
This, then, is a theory: Coleridge (in Nether Stowey), reading Purchas under the influence of opium, did fall asleep with the passage about ‘Xandu’ before him. Let’s say he dreamt and woke to write out the 54-lines of ‘Kubla Khan’. In his inspiring dream he confabulated memories of the book with memories of a walk he had taken—perhaps one in which he had stopped for a time in a farmhouse, incommoded by diarrhea, perhaps one in which he had made it all the way to Porlock—such that the landscape of Porlock itself insinuated itself into his imaginative process of creativity: the ‘semi-circular’ fort ‘enclosed’, a place ‘that smiles with verdure and cultivation’, outside of which is a wilder landscape, ‘a grand scene of craggy rocks, some torn from the main land’ that is ‘hollowed into caverns’, eminences and depths.

If Coleridge did indeed read Maton’s book, it might even be that he was influenced, subconsciously or otherwise, by its particular phrasing—for instance the way Maton moves from the pleasant verdure of the land ‘enclosed’ by Porlock, through his own ‘mazy’ motion down through the rocky and cavernous landscape outside it (‘shady mazes’). After leaving Porlock Maton records passing east into valleys or almost Tartarean depths:
During some months in the year, the sun sheds but a transitory beam on this sequestered spot, being hid by the surrounding heights, and the quiet of the few secluded cottagers who have their abodes here is rarely interrupted but by the murmur of the billows. [Maton, 95]
Another passage of possible relevance is Maton’s account of the ‘Valley of Stones’, west of Porlock.

[Illustration of the ‘Valley of Stones’ from William George Maton’s Observations of the Western Counties of England (1797]

Maton is amazed by the pillars of stone: ‘surely, we exclaimed, this must be the work of human hands, which have thus piled these huge rocks on each other for some purpose of superstition’ [Maton, 84].
But examining the structures Maton concludes they are not man-made, but have been disposed there by nature. How?
The first idea that offers itself, in speculating on the origin of this extraordinary pass, is that it must have been the course of a vast and violent torrent, which … [the] turn surface of the mountains would seem to have poured itself into the Severn at the western extremity. [87]
This would explain, Maton thinks, how these huge chunks of stone were distributed. But there’s a problem:
In our eagerness to disencumber ourselves of one difficulty, we generally precipitate ourselves into another—whence came this mighty torrent? … Thus we are perplexed the more we meditate on the mysterious volume of the creation. [87-88]
Coleridge’s poem proposes a possible solution to this dilemma: the great torrent came from underground, bursting out:
And from this chasm, with ceaseless turmoil seething,
As if this earth in fast thick pants were breathing,
A mighty fountain momently was forced:
Amid whose swift half-intermitted burst
Huge fragments vaulted like rebounding hail,
Or chaffy grain beneath the thresher’s flail:
And mid these dancing rocks at once and ever
It flung up momently the sacred river.
This leads me to my hypothetical conclusion. It’s possible Coleridge experienced literary interruption by a visitor—likely, even—at some point in his career, perhaps even when composing ‘Kuubla Khan’. This can’t have happened in the farmhouse he mentions in the poem’s prefaratory note, and it’s a little hard to see why an individual from Porlock would make the long trek all the way to Nether Stowey ‘in business’, when the village’s chief business did not involve Coleridge. But it’s possible that, taking opium at home, dreaming the poem, writing a chunk of it, Coleridge’s imaginative recreation of Kubla Khan’s Asian palace was interrupted by thoughts of Porlock itself, the landscape of the poem becoming contaminated or interfered with by the landscape of Porlock: its semi-circular fort, its pleasant cultivated ground, and outside that area the wild and rocky landscape of hills and valleys, of caverns and seclusion, and of a place where some mighty river had, in the past, burst from the ground scattering huge rocks like chaff and leaving them scattered and piled.

This, then, is the thesis of this blogpost: the person from Porlock was Porlock.

Thursday, 4 December 2025

John Fuller, 'Coleridge in Stowey' (2006)



:1:

I like John Fuller. I like the Audenesque, Robert-Gravesy, flavour of his poetry, its deft attentiveness to traditional forms, its poise and expressiveness. And I like his off-kilter novels too, or at any rate the two I've read (especially Flying to Nowhere which is one of the more interesting midrashes on Frankenstein. Sort-of). But I'm still trying to work out what I think about his 2006 dramatic monologue ‘Coleridge in Stowey’, and the volume (above) in which it takes its place alongside poetic engagements with Matthew Arnold, Brahms, Wallace Stevens and others. The truth is I'm not sure I quite get it.

The Space of Joy is really eight long poems, linked thematically into a loose whole. First is ‘The Solitary Life’, 35 well-turned sonnets describing a narrator-poet relaxing in a hammock in Vaucluse, thinking of past greats. Here's one:
I think of Petrarch at his lonely farm
Beside the rising of a sacred river,
Believing that an Avignon madame
Was cause enough for love to last for ever.
I think of Wagner's Sachs, to whom the Geist
Of song, its long tradition and survival,
Was something fine for which he sacrificed
All hope of love, and gave it to his rival;
I think of Pope beside the sparkling Thames,
His bed as empty as his heart was full;
Impetuous Coleridge, that guilty youth;
And Arnold's self-deceiving theorems
That proved a mutual trust impossible,
The solitary life a form of truth. [‘4. The Regrets’]
This sonnet strikes the keynote: the disconnections of love and desire, the intermittencies of mutual human affection, the truth in solitude set in implicit contrast to the fictions of romance. After this the volume goes on to 2 and 3 ‘Coleridge in Stowey’ and ‘Arnold in Thun’; two great nineteenth-century poets pondering their lovelorn solitude. 4 is ‘The Rivals’, about Sachs and Beckmesser from Wagner's Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg (the poem focuses mostly on poor self-denying Sachs). The fifth poem ‘Brahms in Thun’ evokes the composer's feelings for beautiful Hermine Spies, who went on to marry a lawyer. The brief sixth, ‘The Fifth Marquess’ is, I think, about the wastrel peer Henry, Lord Paget, and the volume closes with 7: ‘Wallace Stevens at the Clavier’ and 8: ‘Thun 1947’.

The spaces of these bittersweet joys are both the geographical locations in which these various lovelorn misfits find themselves, from Stowey to France, from Thun to Nuremberg—and also the spaces of poetry, the formal shapes and locations: within a sonnet; beneath a tree; inside a book (always inside a book); beside a lake: ‘leaving the lake undisturbed/Flowing on who knows where,/And the lake so beautiful’ muses Fuller's Matthew Arnold, ‘Just as it always was, there’. That there, that da, is the inevitable situatedness of love. We never love in the abstract, after all. We always love this, or that, concrete particular. Fuller is good on that.



:2:

‘Coleridge in Stowey’ starts with an epigraph from Coleridge's 1803 Notebooks. Kathleen Coburn thinks it a reference to Sara Hutchinson:
Why we two made to be a Joy to each other, should for so many years constitute each other's melancholy — O! but the melancholy is Joy —
Fuller's own note explains ‘the poem purports to be a meditation in winter beginning beneath the lime tree of ‘This Lime-Tree Bower my Prison’ (I wrote at some length on Coleridge's famous limey-arborial poem, here, by the way). Here's Fuller's poem:
Wrestling the challenge of Infinity
To Personality, I sometime heard
The Bride's voice, distant, from her bower,
Less often now. I argue with my self;
Certain, therefore, of half a certainty
Before the mists assert their mistiness
And leave me without a Way.
                                              And now at eve,
Where once beneath a sprawling tent
Of dappled leaves and aromatic keys and flowers
I set my creaking chair's unequal feet              [10]
Upon the bulging roots that sank down deep
Into green Somerset for sustenance,
It has become my wintry pleasure here
To find my self not in an obscure wood,
But somehow lost beneath a single tree
That like a cage lowers its naked branches
Towards the icy bareness of the soil.

Truly a prison that the season locks
As a mind is locked by thoughts that put it there!
Unfeeling, inward cogitations, blind                  [20]
To the light that still streams from a chilly West.
The satisfaction of the solitary
Is to think to be defined by others' thoughts
Concerning him, enjoying their concern,
Relishing misery so long as he
Is made its object, like a Pietà.
The heron has the patience to be patient,
Though there be never a fish in sight.
Would he may not starve! And furthermore
It were unnecessary that the worm                       [30]
Make friends; and therefore to its social sense
The convivial temper is unknown. I hail
These stoic fellow-creatures in my soul!
Heron, worm and poet share the doom
Of laboring for a scant reward!
                                              Inside
The coals burn thinly on their wretched altar.
The Shadow Folk on walls and ceilings, guardians
Of our quieter Selves that after kettle-quarrels
Settle to nodding by a flickering stove,
Make mocking Panoramas of such battle.              [40]
They are our little household gods, masters
Of a moment that undoes all painful knots,
Loosening shapes to fly like smoke and light
And makes our stillness move still, though still, in fancy.
For there is joy upon the cess of words
Spoken in heat, joy in admonishment,
Joy in the melancholy pilgrimage
Our staffs pace out in almost unison
Greater than joy itself.
                             And here is Hartley,
Little dear Heart, patient philosopher,                      [50]
His palms clasped to his lips as if to mock
Some grave proposal, not of his usual play
But of a Voyage back to his beginning,
A novel understanding of his place
In the unfixed perplexing scheme of things.
I offer him a piece of cheese, entire.
For the moment that its crumbliness allows,
And gladly he takes it as one who reconciles,
In gracious condescension, the Many with
The One.
               Our very first posterity                               [60]
Is but a small parcel of infinite Joy
Troubled only by the animal spirits
Which went into its making, and our wonder
At the hysteroplast is but a glimpse,
A memory of our own origins,
Grieving with a full heart that such fresh Joy
Will soon become a Melancholia
Like ours.
                The woman gives him a bowl of soup
As though he were not mine and certainly
Not hers, but as though my many faults had left him [70]
The better deserving of such charity.
I am to her merely a child, as he is,
Our occupations equal as separate play
In the one chamber.
                              His cheese falls in the soup,
And I talk with the Shadow Folk to tell them
The Mountains of the Moon are like the veins
In cheese, or embers of a fire, that make
Faces of our present disposition
Out of old satisfactions. And I think
Of him in his first slumbering stillness where           [80]
Feeding with ruddy cheek against the moon's
Blue vein-of-a-mountain, the new god's
Baby feet twitched in clouds of linen.

Enthusiastic in his saintliness,
The bridegroom ordered harps, which rendered praise
To him for his forgetting lamps, and now
All that I say is what I know is true,
Though with a bitter voice that may be challenged
As the unspeakable, irrelevant,
To ears that have no need to hear it, and thus            [90]
One with the freezing blast that rises now,
Rattling the branches of its cage. O most
Miserable! O vain shadow of shadows!
I have seen the depth of shame, the bride weeping.
I have, outrageously, spoke my own sentence,
And our triangulation, like the new maps
Commissioned by the Ordnance for the War,
Creates a blankness in the living world
That may not be traversed.
                                            All evening
I sit in the parlour in my great-coat like                   [100]
Satan hiding his wings ....
The risk this poem runs (and which, I think, it manages to avoid) is of concocting a Coleridge persona out of Bartlett's Familiar Quotations, a sort of Frankenstein's-creature of orts and scraps of famous Coleridgeanisms. So one context, previously mentioned, is ‘This Lime-Tree Bower My Prison’. A second is ‘Frost at Midnight’, in Fuller's Coleridge's address to his infant son Hartley, and in some of the set-dressing (‘the coals burn thinly on their wretched altar’). Plus the peroration to Joy in the middle clearly owes something to ‘Dejection: an Ode’. There are various less obvious references too: the ‘Mountains of the Moon’ in central Africa were one of the inspirations for ‘Kubla Khan’, according to John Livingstone Lowes. Coleridge did call Hartley ‘dear heart’ and ‘reconciling the Many with the One’ [59-60], or more fancifully arranging the union as Bride and Groom of infinity with Personality [1-2], describes STC's larger creative ambition pretty well. Other elements here that seem to have the smack of Coleridgean pretentiousness are actually pure Fuller: STC never uses the word ‘hysteroplast’ [64] for instance—presumably it means surgical intervention into the uterus, which seems an odd way of referring to a baby—and neither is ‘cess of words’ a Coleridgean phrase (cessation of words? assessment of words? I'm not sure). But one important context for the poem that does, I think, need unpacking is its references to the ‘cheese entire’.

Fuller is thinking of a remarkable incident from Coleridge's early youth in Ottery St Mary, related in a letter he sent to his friend Thomas Poole (16 October 1797) and worth quoting at length.
I had asked my mother one evening to cut my cheese entire, so that I might toast it: this was no easy matter, it being a crumbly cheese — My mother however did it — / I went into the garden for some thing or other, and in the mean time my Brother Frank minced my cheese, ‘to disappoint the favourite.’ I returned, saw the exploit, and in an agony of passion flew at Frank — he pretended to have been seriously hurt by my blow, flung himself on the ground, and lay there with outstretched limbs — I hung over him moaning and in a great fright — he leaped up , & with a horse laugh gave me a severe blow in the face. — I seized a knife, and was running at him, when my Mother came in & took me by the arm — I expected a flogging — & struggling from her I ran away, to a hill at the bottom of which the Otter flows — about one mile from Ottery. — There I stayed; my rage died away; but my obstinacy vanquished my fears – & taking out a little shilling book which had, at the end, morning & evening prayers, I very devoutly repeated them — thinking at the same time with inward & gloomy satisfaction, how miserable my Mother must be!
It doesn't stop there. Oh no.
I distinctly remember my feelings when I saw a Mr Vaughan pass over the Bridge, at about a furlong's distance — and how I watched the Calves in the fields beyond the river. It grew dark -& I fell asleep — it was towards the latter end of October — & it proved a dreadful stormy night — / I felt the cold in my sleep, and dreamt that I was pulling the blanket over me, & actually pulled over me a dry thorn bush, which lay on the hill — in my sleep I had rolled from the top of the hill to within three yards of the River, which flowed by the unfenced edge of the bottom. — I awoke several times, and finding myself wet & stiff, and cold, closed my eyes again that I might forget it. —— In the mean time my Mother waited about half an hour, expecting my return, when the Sulks had eyaporated — I not returning, she sent into the Church-yard, & round the town — not found! — Several men & all the boys were sent to ramble about & seek me — in vain! My Mother was almost distracted — and at ten o'clock at night I was cry'd by the crier in Ottery, and in two villages near it — with a reward offered for me. — No one went to bed — indeed, I believe, half the town were up all one night! To return to myself — About five in the morning or a little after, I was broad awake; and attempted to get up & walk — but I could not move — I saw the Shepherds & Workmen at a distance — & cryed but so faintly, that it was impossible to hear me 80 yards off —— and there I might have lain & died — for I was now almost given over, the ponds & even the river near which I was lying, having been dragged. — But by good luck Sir Stafford Northcote, who had been out all night, resolved to make one other trial, and came so near that he heard my crying — He carried me in his arms, for near a quarter of a mile; when we met my father & Sir Stafford's Servants. — I remember, & never shall forget, my father's face as he looked upon me while I lay in the servant's arms — so calm, and the tears stealing down his face: for I was the child of his old age. —— My Mother, as you may suppose, was outrageous with joy — in rushed a young Lady, crying out — ‘I hope, you'll whip him, Mrs Coleridge!’ — This woman still lives at Ottery & neither Philosophy or Religion have been able to conquer the antipathy which I feel towards her, whenever I see her. — I was put to bed — & recovered in a day or so — but I was certainly injured — For I was weakly, & subject to the ague for many years after. [Coleridge, Letters 1:351-52]
There's a lot that might be said about this famous episode, beyond goggling at how intensely self-melodramatic and obstinate the young Coleridge was. I mean: bloody hell. But for now I'm interested in what this context says about Fuller's poem.

‘Coleridge in Stowey’ is, in part, about Coleridge's sense of isolation, and therefore about the valences of self-pity. And the cheese incident is a kind of ne plus ultra of youthful self-pity: the excessive public performance of stubborn self-immolation almost to literal death. But Coleridge has enough insight to be able both to dramatise how ridiculous he was being, and to understand that his self-pity was tangled in with a desire to punish not his brother Frank, but his mother: feeling profoundly sorry for himself ‘thinking at the same time with inward gloomy satisfaction, how miserable my Mother must be’. We wound ourselves in order to wound other people, and it is no coincidence, I think, that this whole episode involves a dairy product. Indeed, milk, that metonym of the maternal, also figures as the laming disability that confines Coleridge whilst his friends go off rambling in ‘This Lime Tree Bower My Prison’ (his wife had ‘accidentally’ tipped a skillet of boiling over his foot).

I have to say, I'm not entirely convinced by the first portion of Fuller's poem. Since lime tree boughs and branches grow out and up, ‘sprawling tent’ seems a misdescription (maybe Fuller is thinking of a willow?) and ‘aromatic keys’ just baffles me. Why keys? I see, I suppose, how this relates to the conceit that Coleridge's ‘space’ of melancholy-joy is a kind of prison, and that prison doors I suppose have keys, but I can't relate it to the material object being described. Plus the doublet ‘Truly a prison that the season locks/As a mind is locked by thoughts that put it there!’ throws me out somewhat. It's a sentence without a main verb, so far as I can see, and I can't work out to what the ‘it’, there, refers back. I'm sure this says more about my obtuseness than it does about the poem. And the step-down into plainer speaking captures the point of Coleridge's dialectic of self-pity and other-resentment nicely:
The satisfaction of the solitary
Is to think to be defined by others' thoughts
Concerning him, enjoying their concern,
Relishing misery so long as he
Is made its object, like a Pietà.  [22-26]
‘Pietà’ is probably too Roman Catholic an image properly to fit Coleridge's imaginarium. But now I really am nitpicking.

Coleridge styles himself a solitary heron, a worm, an unrewarded poet, and then (line 35) the poem moves inside. The sun, setting in the poem's opening three verse paragraphs, has set, and Coleridge is at his fireside with infant Hartley. ‘The woman’ [68] is presumably Coleridge's wife Sara, but may be a maid; either way that's a stiffly alienating way of referring to a human being, which I suppose is Fuller's point. Coleridge gives his child a piece of ‘cheese entire’, which evokes for the reader his traumatic childhood escapade, quoted above. The woman, whoever she is, feeds the lad soup, into which potage Hartley drops the cheese. Coleridge tells the lad stories, making up something about the shadow figures cast by the flickering fire, and about the white Mountains of the Moon. The poem compares the distant imaginary saw-tooth of these mountains with the zig-zag pattern of blue-veins in white cheese, which in turn provokes in him a memory of a younger-still Hartley feeding at the blue-veined, lunar white breast of his mother:
     in his first slumbering stillness where
Feeding with ruddy cheek against the moon's
Blue vein-of-a-mountain, the new god's
Baby feet twitched in clouds of linen.   [80-83]
Though this passage flirts, perhaps, with obliquity, it still strikes me as a beautiful, rather moving image. And I'd say that Fuller handles the self-melodramatising over-reaching of his Coleridge effectively, without allowing the poem itself to tumble into that swamp: the Dantean pretensions of ‘To find my self not in an obscure wood,/But somehow lost beneath a single tree’ [14-15]; the domestic Miltonism of the final line and a half. There's a level, more or less non-negotiable, at which a poem like this works because its collocated images resonate in some way for this reader or that, and possibly they don't for this other: the tree and the fire; the shadows on the wall; the child and the cheese it eats; the white mountain; the white breast; the blank map. It all has ‘to do’, we could say, with Coleridge's tangled-together erotic and maternal disappointments. There is a connection available to others that is not, it seems, available to him. He is marginalised, imprisoned, isolated and alone. How is this a space of joy? In his ‘Dejection’ ode, Coleridge addresses Sara Hutchinson as an avatar of purity:
O pure of heart! thou need'st not ask of me
What this strong music in the soul may be!
What, and wherein it doth exist,
This light, this glory, this fair luminous mist,
This beautiful and beauty-making power.
           Joy, virtuous Lady! Joy that ne'er was given,
Save to the pure, and in their purest hour,
Life, and Life's effluence, cloud at once and shower,
Joy, Lady! is the spirit and the power,
Which wedding Nature to us gives in dower
           A new Earth and new Heaven,
Undreamt of by the sensual and the proud— [‘Dejection, an Ode’, 64-70]
The kick is that Coleridge is both those two things: acutely conscious of his prideful stubbornness (and from an early age, as the cheese-tantrum episode illustrates), and sensually as well as spiritually attracted to his ‘Asra’. Fuller spins this Joy in a more compromised manner. Still: it is a Joy, it seems:
For there is joy upon the cess of words
Spoken in heat, joy in admonishment,
Joy in the melancholy pilgrimage
Our staffs pace out in almost unison
Greater than joy itself.  [45-9]
If cess of words means stopping-speaking, then it's hard to see what kind of joy this made-of-words artefact is proposing; although perhaps the phrase means something like cess-pit or sewage of words (though a cesspit is so called because it is enclosed; which is to say, cess doesn't mean shit). But I suppose the passage as a whole is saying something like: there is a kind of joy in those moments when our relationships don't run smoothly, when we fight and shout at one another. And there is a related kind of joy in the mutual estrangement that follows such arguments, as the not-speaking-to-one-another partners plok along the promenade of life, their pilgrim-staffs not quite striking the road at the same time. Can we really call that joy? A flaming row may be cathartic, and make-up sex is famously prized. But the vignette implied here is of a row that leads not to passionate rapprochement but to chilly estrangement, and it's hard to see in what meaningful way we can call that joy. Quite apart from anything else, Fuller's phrasing here, positing as it does a joy greater than joy itself, just looks self-contradictory.

But maybe that is the point? Space, as the philosophers tell us, is extension and separation, and any joy predicated upon such qualities will tend to remoteness and loneliness. ‘This Lime-Tree Bower my Prison’ is a poem about the compensatory joys of the imagination upon which Coleridge draws because he is separated, spatially, from his friends: they're off yomping through the countryside, he's stuck at home, but the point of the poem is (to invoke another poet) that their heard melodies, though sweet, turn out not to be as sweet as Coleridge's unheard ones.

And maybe that's what Fuller is getting at, in this poem and also through the whole of this collection. The pleasures of companionship, of partnership and marriage, of sex and consummation, are joys; but there is also something joyful in not getting those things in your life. Joys of not having to compromise with another human being. The complicated satisfactions of melancholy. Self-pity is socially lamentable, even deplorable, but it has the advantage of positioning oneself solidly at the centre of the cosmic stage—it's an illusion, of course, but an illusion that flatters the ego, and therefore one to which the ego can turn a blind eye. Look at young Sam, furious that his cheese entire got minced, on that Devonshire hillside! Sure, he's cold, and miserable, but then again the entire town is searching for him! He's the centre of all attention, the axle around which the entire town turns. Carried homes in the arms of the local nobility, the one woman who suggests he should be punished ignored and despised to this day. That's power. Physical comfort and emotional distress is a small price to pay, one might think.

Is that what Fuller is getting at, in this poem? We feel cast-out, disconnected, unhappy, and we're actually just rather pathetic figures sitting in our parlours in our great-coats (‘you won't feel the benefit’, as my old gran used to admonish us), but we flatter ourselves that we are actually Satans, hiding out wings? Is that a joy?


:3:

I want, finally, to move from Fuller's poem to some thoughts on Coleridge's hopeless passion for Sara Hutchinson, his ‘Asra’ (which is, in part, what the poem is about).

Some context, in case you don't know the story. So: Coleridge had married Sara Fricker in 1795, but it was very soon apparent that they were poorly matched to one another. My sense is that he was never strongly attracted to, or markedly in love with, his wife, even when they were courting. This was when he was planning to emigrate to America with Robert Southey and establish a pantisocratic utopia. They both agreed wives/helpmeets would be needful for this enterprise, and when Southey married Edith Fricker, Coleridge rushed into marriage with Edith's sister, Sara. The dreams of Pantisocracy quickly fell apart, leaving Coleridge, married in haste, repenting at leisure.

Before his marriage he had nursed an infatuated passion for a young woman called Mary Evans. Indeed, as he recalled in 1805, looking back more-or-less miserably on his miserable early life, during the early 1790s he endured a ‘Fit of Fears from sex’ and ‘a state of struggling with madness from an incapability of hoping that I should be able to marry Mary Evans (and this strange passion of fervent though wholly imaginary Love uncombinable by my utmost efforts with any regular Hope)’ [Notebooks 2:2398]. Mary married somebody else. Conceivably Coleridge rushed his proposal to Sara Fricker on the rebound.

Marriage did not settle him, though. Sara was far from stupid, but the two of them had nothing in common intellectually. Of their sex-life Coleridge noted, ruefully, that ‘all [is] as cold & calm as a deep Frost’, complaining that ‘she is uncommonly cold in her feelings of animal Love’ [Notebooks 1:979]. And the put-upon Sara clearly found her husband really, really irritating. In 1802 Coleridge wrote to his patron, Josiah Wedgwood, that his wife could furnish ‘an exact and copious Recipe, “How to make a Husband compleatly miserable”’:
Ill-tempered speeches sent after me when I went out of the house, ill-tempered speeches on my return, my friends received with freezing looks, the least opposition or contradiction occasioning screams of passion. [Collected Letters, 2:876]
The detail about not receiving his friends amiably was a recurring grievance for STC. Six years later, when the couple were working out the terms on which they were to separate, he wrote that ‘the one Main Mighty Defect of Female Education’ is that wives are not taught ‘how to receive [a husband] on his Return, how never to recriminate’ and in particular how to avoid the ‘Mischief of giving pain’ when ‘a Husband comes home from a Party of old Friends, Joyous and full of Heart’ only to be greeted by ‘the love-killing Effect of cold, dry, uninterested looks & Manners’ [Notebooks, 3:3316]. Why couldn't she enjoy the things he enjoyed? Why couldn't she like the people he liked? It was almost as if she was a completely different person to him, with her own tastes and friendships!

There certainly seems to have been something formidable about Sara Coleridge. Elsewhere in the notebooks Coleridge confesses to living in ‘constant dread in my mind respecting Mrs Coleridge's Temper’ [Notebooks, 2:2398]. Things were going badly, but they were at least going, and the marriage produced three children who survived to adulthood as well-functioning people, so it wasn't a dead loss. But things hit a fatal snag in 1799 when Coleridge met another Sara: Sara Hutchinson, the sister of Wordsworth's wife Mary, who lived with the Wordsworths and helped keep house. Coleridge fell deeply, catastrophically in love with Sara, ‘Asra’ as he called her, but though she was friendly and warm with him she did not love him back. This hopeless unreciprocated passion dominated Coleridge's life for many years.

There's a particularly good essay in Adam Phillips's Missing Out: In Praise of the Unlived Life (2012) called ‘On Not Getting It’. Phillips unpacks the various ways in which we might not ‘get it’, from jokes (‘no one wants to be the person who doesn't get it—doesn't get the joke, doesn't understand what's being said, what's going on’) to our heart's desire. His Phillipsian-Freudian point is that we don't actually understand our heart's desires. We don't understand why we want what we want, and sometimes we don't even understand what we want (although we can't help knowing that we want). Because of this, Phillips thinks our desire has much more to do with what we don't get than with what we can and do.

I'm not sure I entirely ‘get’ John Fuller's ‘Coleridge at Stowey’ poem (I'm curious, actually: do you?) But saying so is probably not a criticism of the poem itself. Indeed, admitting that I don't ‘get’ Fuller's poem throws the onus on me, rather than Fuller: it sounds much more like a criticism of me and the insufficiency of my readerly faculties than of ‘Coleridge at Stowey’. It's often the case that we don't ‘get’ a poem, and that fact only occasionally correlates to the worth or otherwise of the text. I don't think I really ‘get’ ‘Kubla Khan’ or ‘The Ancient Mariner’ (or Wordsworth's Immortality Ode, or The Waste Land, or Macbeth's ‘Tomorrow and Tomorrow and Tomorrow’ speech or ...), and it's exactly the specific quality, the unique eudaimonia of those masterpieces, the stuff that eludes ‘getting’, that's so integral to their greatness. By contrast, I think I mostly do ‘get’ Coleridge's Conversation poems, which is a way of saying that they are lesser achievements. The love we feel for poetry is not the same as the love we feel for other people of course, but it is still a love, and it is as meaningful to talk about the vectors of desire in an aesthetic as an erotic sense.

‘Getting’ can also mean: ‘begetting’ (Phillips says some fascinating things about the way Desdemona's father Brabantio washes his hands of his daughter after she falls in love with Othello: ‘I had rather to adopt a child than get it’ he declares, which he links to the impossibility of comprehending not only the object but the fact of our children's sexual desire). And ‘getting it’, ‘getting some’, ‘getting lucky’, is a way of referring to sexual intercourse, or perhaps it would be more accurate to say, to sexual conquest. Back in 1987 poodle-haired cock-rockers Def Leppard boasted of the copiousness of their sexual relations in their thudding hit single ‘Armageddon it’. Because if you're a randy young man the only thing more important than ‘getting’ sex is letting all your friends know that you're getting it. It's a matter, it seems, of world-ending, apocalyptic, armageddon-worthy importance.

Step back two centuries and here's Coleridge recording in his notebook in 1802 the day after the birth of his daughter (also called Sara—so many Saras!) that his wife Sara had become ‘the Conductor and thunder-rod of my whole Hatred’ [Notebooks, 1:1311]. That's a strikingly extreme, almost Armageddon-ish way to refer to one's wife, don't you think? A woman with whom Coleridge was still (as baby Sara's birth proved) having sex. Phillips's Freudianism is much too subtle to stoop to noticing obvious things like clumsy Freudian symbols, but still: thunder-rod? Really?

‘What I am interested in,’ says Phillips
is what might be discovered, or found, or experienced, in the not getting it that might be of value (how, for example, might one write about a poem if one made no attempt to explain it?) Because this, in effect, is what Freud is saying we might do with sexuality; all our inclinations—including parts of the inclination that is psychoanalysis—are to explain it, to know about our desire; to give oneself and others an account of it ... But when it comes to sexuality we never know how things actually are. On giving an account we make of sexuality, of our desire, something that it is not and can never be. It is as though we are trying to stop having it its effect, prevent it taking its course. [Philips, Missing Out (2013), 78-79]
Of course it was trivially true of Coleridge's grand passion for Asra that had she given-in and slept with him the whole thing would have stopped being a majestic drama of the thwarted heart and would have instead diminished, become people-sized: an affair, sex, one of those everyday human things. The fact that Coleridge wasn't ‘getting it’ with Asra may have made him miserable, but it also maintained the grandeur and purity of his love. It's easy for love to stay elevated and magnificent if it always avoids contact with human actuality. It's probably something of a stretch even to call that sort of infatuation love, though it is surely a specie of joy.

It was evident to the people who lived with Coleridge that he was in love with Sara Hutchinson. He was not good at hiding it. But that didn't mean that these others ‘got’ it—that they understood why this particular woman held such a fascination for him. That's often the way with other people's love, of course (‘what does s/he see in him/her of all people? I just don't get it!’). From an early age, Coleridge's daughter Sara could tell there was something going-on between her father and Sara Hutchinson, but neither as a child nor as a grown woman reflecting back on those years did she ‘get’ his infatuation: ‘my father used to talk to me with much admiration and affection of Sara Hutchinson,’ Sara Coleridge later recalled. ‘She had fine, long, light brown hair, I think her only beauty, except a fair skin, for her features were plain and contracted, her figure dumpy, and devoid of grace and dignity. She was a plump woman, of little more than five feet. I remember my father talking to me admiringly of her long light locks’ [Memoirs and Letters of Sara Coleridge (1877) 17, 20]. Why would anyone find such a person irresistible? How could so unprepossessing a woman provoke such overwhelming and life-dominating in a man? As Brabantio could not comprehend what it was about Othello that made his daughter fall in love, so this daughter can't comprehend what it was about Asra that her father loved so.

But then again, you don't have to read very far in Coleridge's notebooks and letters to see that he himself didn't really get it, either. So: she had nice hair. Isn't that a trivial thing to fall for? Then again, what, specifically, about the people we fall in love isn't reducible to suchlike triviality? Maybe it's best not to pull on that thread, or the whole tapestry of our grand passion might start to unspool. In 1808 Asra changed her look.
Back at Allan Bank in October, Asra took to covering the long hair that Coleridge so admired with a cotton mob-cap. It took away the youthful softness of her face, and emphasized her bony nose and prominent chin. Coleridge was shocked by the transformation: ‘astonishing effect of an unbecoming Cap on Sara. It in the strictest sense of the word frightened me ... producing a painful startle whenever she turned her face suddenly round on me.’ He urged her not to ‘play these tricks with her angel countenance’, but she refused to take it off. [Richard Holmes, Coleridge: Darker Reflections (HarperCollins 1998), 150]
The fright of this is, I suppose, his teetering on the brink of understanding, of finally ‘getting’, that what he desired in Asra did not actually coincide with Sara Hutchinson. ‘What if on my Death-bed her Face,’ he confided to his notebook, ‘which had hovered before me as my soothing and beckoning Seraph, should all at once flash into that new face?’ [Notebooks, 3:3403] What did he want from Asra, anyway? She was his friend, his amanuensis and confidant, but this wasn't enough. What was it that he wasn't getting from her?
Again: as Mother of my children—how utterly improbable dared I hope it: How impossible for me (most pure indeed are my heart & fancy from such a thought) even to think of it, much less desire it! and yet at the encouraging prospect of emancipation from narcotics, of health & activity of mind & body, worthy of the unutterably [in cipher: dear one], it is felt within me like an ordinance of adamantine Destiny! Sweet Hartley! What did he say, speaking of some Tale & wild Fancy of his Brain?—“It is not yet, but it will be—for it is—& it cannot stay always, in here” (pressing one hand on his forehead and the other on his occiput)—“and then it will be—because it is not nothing” O wife thou art! O wife thou wilt be! [Notebooks, 3: 3547]
Maybe little Hartley gets it, after all. Coleridge doesn't want Asra to become his wife. He wants to want Asra to become his wife. That is, after all, the real space of joy: between forehead and occiput.

Sunday, 28 September 2025

Coleridge's 'Pensive at Eve' (1797)

Here's Coleridge's first 'Higgenbottom' sonnet:
SONNET I
Pensive at eve, on the hard world I mused,
And my poor heart was sad; so at the MOON
I gazed and sighed, and sighed; for ah how soon
Eve saddens into night! mine eyes perused
With tearful vacancy the dampy grass
That wept and glitter'd in the paly ray:
And I did pause me on my lonely way
And mused me on the wretched ones that pass
O'er the bleak heath of sorrow. But alas!
Most of myself I thought! when it befel,
That the soothe spirit of the breezy wood
Breath'd in mine ear: "All this is very well,
But much of ONE thing, is for NO thing good."
Oh my poor heart's INEXPLICABLE SWELL!
In the Biographia (where, at the end of the first chapter, he quotes all three sonnets) STC notes 'So long ago as the publication of the second number of the Monthly Magazine, under the name of NEHEMIAH HIGGENBOTTOM, I contributed three sonnets, the first of which had for its object to excite a good-natured laugh at the spirit of doleful egotism, and at the recurrence of favorite phrases, with the double defect of being at once trite and licentious.' Working backwards from the end.

(1) 'Inexplicable swell' is 'licentious' in its intimation of tumescence, I suppose. It appears to mock John Wesley:
Hear, Holy Ghost, our joint request,
And show thyself the Comforter;
And swell the inexplicable groan,
And breathe our wishes to the throne.
[Wesley, 'Hymn 428' (Psalm 113), John Wesley, A Collection of Hymns, for the use of the people called Methodists (1786), 414]
Would it be a little near the knuckle for Coleridge to mock a devotional work like this though? Particularly by focussing on what amounts to a double-entendre?

(2) 'My poor heart' pokes fun at the lyric, printed (amongst lots of other places) in The London Magazine 4 (1785), 45, 'Song in the Follies of a Day' (that is to say, the English adaptation of The Marriage of Figaro):
To the winds to the waves, to the woods I complain,
Ah! well-a-day, my poor heart;
They hear not my sighs and they heed not my pain;
Ah! well-a-day, my poor heart;

The name of my goddess,T grave on each tree;
Ah! well-a-day, my poor heart!
'Tis I wound thy bark, but love's arrows wound me;
Ah! well-a-day, my poor heart!

The heavens I view, and their azure bright skies;
Ah! well-a-day, my poor heart!
My heaven exists in her still brighter eyes;
Ah! well-a-day, my poor heart!

To thy sun's morning splendor thy poor Indian bows;
Ah! well-a-day, my poor heart!
But I dare not worship where I pay my vows;
Ah! well-a-day, my poor heart!
This was a popular song of the day (music by William Shield, who may or may not also have composed 'Auld Lang Syne'). The triteness is obvious enough; the 'licentiousness' a mode of emotional incontinence, perhaps.

(3)'The soothe spirit of the breezy wood'. This may pastiche a couplet from Young's second Night Thoughts (1743; 'On Time, Death and Friendship'):
How often we talk’d won the summer’s sun,
And cool’d our passions by the breezy stream!
'Cool our passions' has, I suppose, a post-coital smack to it.

(4) 'mine eyes perused/With tearful vacancy the dampy grass/That wept and glitter'd in the paly ray'. Well 'dampy' may be a dig at Ambrose Phillips. Here from the second Pastoral (1709), is his lament for a dead shepherd, called 'Albino':
In yonder gloomy grove stretch'd out he lay,
His beauteous limbs upon the dampy clay,
The roses on his palid cheeks decay'd,
And o'er his lips a livid hue display'd:
Bleating around him lie his pensive sheep,
And mourning shepherds come in crouds to weep.
The pious mother comes, with grief oppress'd;
Ye, conscious trees and fountains, can attest
With what fad accents and what moving cries
She sill'd the grove, and importun'd the skies.
...
O peaceful may thy gentle spirit rest!
And flow'ry turf lie light upon thy breast;
Nor shrieking owl, nor bat fly round thy tomb,
Nor midnight fairies there to revel come.
Not for nothing was Phillips known as 'Namby-Pamby'. The most you could say is that Coleridge is hardly parodying contemporary taste in 1797 by mocking a poem published at the other end of the century. Maybe he has in mind a frankly plagiarised (and if you were going to plagiarise, wouldn't you choose a source-text rather better than Namby-Pamby?) passage from the reverend Matthew Pilkington, part of his 'A Pastoral Elegy, on the Death of a Lady's Canary-bird' (1761):
All stiff he lies the dampy earth along,
His little bosom swells no more with song,
[Poems &c. by the Rev Mr Matthew Pilkington, revised and connected by the late Dean Swift (1761), 154]
which is trite enough.

(5) What of 'the paly ray'? I wonder if Coleridge saw or read The Regent, a Tragedy (by 'Bertie Greatheed', too cool a name to be a pseudonym), acted at Drury Lane 1788, and afterwards printed? It contains the following passage:
But as the crocus opes its saffron veil,
To catch at morn the cloud-dissolving ray;
And stain with deeper gold its paly brow;
So would her heart expand on sight of Carlos!
Coleridge may have read, if not the play itself, then the review of it in the Critical Review (which we know he read) for 1788, that singles this passage out for praise 'pretty, perhaps beautiful' although adding 'we object, however, to "paly brow"'.

(6) I can't find any 'did pause me' or 'mused me' antecedants; and 'wretched ones' returns various hits but none of them poetic. But the 'so at the MOON/I gazed, and sighed' is a dig at Charlotte Turner Smith's sonnet 'To the Moon' (1784) -- which also (in its second line) gives Coleridge's pastiche its opening:
Queen of the silver bow!—by thy pale beam,
Alone and pensive, I delight to stray,
And watch thy shadow trembling in the stream,
Or mark the floating clouds that cross thy way.
And while I gaze, thy mild and placid light
Sheds a soft calm upon my troubled breast;
And oft I think, fair planet of the night,
That in thy orb, the wretched may have rest:
The sufferers of the earth perhaps may go,
Releas'd by death to thy benignant sphere,
And the sad children of despair and woe
Forget in thee, their cup of sorrow here.
Oh! that I soon may reach thy world serene,
Poor wearied pilgrim—in this toiling scene!
That's doleful egotism if you like.

Thursday, 24 July 2025

The Ancient Malletter

 


David Mallet’s The Excursion (1728) was one of those early 18th-century pseudo-epics, enormously popular in its day, entirely unknown now. Its first half ranges around terrestrial locations; but in the second Mallet leaps into space as his ‘excursive traveller’ moves from planets to stars. The verse is mostly humdrum, although sometimes it lifts itself. And, in particular, I found myself wondering about this description of the polar ice-cap:
Now beneath the North,
Alone with Winter in his Frost-bound Realm!
Where, a white Waste of Ice, the Polar Sea
Casts cold a cheerless Light: where Hills of Snow,
Pil’d up from eldest Ages, Hill on Hill,
In blue, bleak Precipices rise to Heaven.
Yet here, even here in this unjoyous World,
Adventrous Mortals, urg’d by Thirst of Gain,
Thro’ floating Isles of Ice and fighting Storms,
Roam the wild Waves, in Search of doubtful Shores,
By West or East, a Path yet unexplor’d. [28]
Could Coleridge have read this, rather vivid polar poetry, and (consciously or subconsciously) have transferred the north to south, the blue ice to green, and given the Adventrous Mortal the identity of his Ancient Mariner? The only positive connection I can find is that Coleridge quotes Mallet's edition of Bacon; but Judson Stanley Lyon [The Excursion: a Study (Yale Univ. Press 1950), 32] argues that certain passages of Wordsworth's like-titled poem manifest influence from Mallett, and Sharon M. Setzer [‘Excursions into the Wilderness: Wordsworth's Visionary Kingdoms and the Typography of Miltonic Revision’, Studies in Romanticism, 30:3 (1991), 367-389] thinks Wordworth's ‘City of clouds’ passage in Excursion 2 owes something to a similar description in Mallett's work. So if William was reading Mallett, maybe Coleridge was too.  

Wednesday, 25 June 2025

‘St Stephen's Chapel: a satirical poem’ by Horatius (1807)




St Stephen's Chapel
 (1807) by Horace Twiss (1787-1849), under the not-really-a-pseudonum Horatius, is a pro-Fox, anti-Pitt satirical portrait of the then-current crop of British politicians (the title refers to the chapel in the original Palace of Westminster, served as the chamber of the House of Commons, until it was destroyed in the fire of 1834 and a new dedicated chamber was built). The poem opens with a dig at ‘poets’ who are also ‘prosers’, writers of contemporary journalism, who have changed their political allegience, from, as it were, red to blue. Coleridge is not named, but presumably he is whom Twiss is targeting.

Twiss laments the passing of ‘great Fox’, who had died September the previous year, and attacks Pitt as ‘the Quixote of the State’. One other oblique reference to Coleridge comes in a footnote on p.26: ‘By way of deprecating Lord H-nry P-tty we have heard wretched puns and wretched rhymes, comparing his to Master Betty, the theatrical Tom Thumb. But the only reason for attaching ridicule to the name of Master Betty … is that he has never attempted any for which he was not fit. On the contrary he has done more for us … than has been affected since the organization fo the Sinking Fund.’ This can only refer to Coleridge's anti-Petty political squib ‘The Taste of the Times’, printed in the Morning Chronicle 25th February 1807, about which I have previously written on this blog.

Saturday, 19 April 2025

Lowell's Coleridge

 


Lowell's History (1973) collects 366 sonnets, arranged chronologically by subject, from prehistory, King David, Solomon, Achilles, Clytemnestra, Sappho through Roman figures, Vikings, Dante, Tudors, French Revolution and on to the nineteenth- and twentieth-centuries. Two of these sonnets are about Coleridge. Here's one:



Jeremy Reed notes that, unlike his earlier work, in History ‘Lowell's seizure upon the moment often leads to startlingly disordered juxtapositions. This is part of the book's strength as well as its confusions.’ He cites this sonnet:
Coleridge enters the poet's meditation in the April rain over New York in a manner so oblique and contradictory that one senses Lowell's ignition of cross-currents. New York: the rain shucks its liquid peas on the skylight, a scent of renewal that evokes for the poet how paradoxically “A newer younger generation faces/the firing squad” before Coleridge is fleshed out on the substance of the poem. [Reed, Madness: the Price of Poetry (Peter Owen 1989), 95]
Not altogether the substance of the poem, I would say: the sonnet falls into two halves, the first about Lowell on a New York fire-escape in April, thinking of Coleridge, being interrupted by a sudden shower and hurrying inside and downstairs. The rain smells sweetly, of youth, of life, which leads him by an associative inversion to think of youth and death, the young protesting the Vietnam war, and being shot down, as at Kent State. That ends line 7: the remaining seven lines characterise Coleridge in unflattering terms, but even here New York intrudes, when the portly, unstable Englishman is figured in terms of American tenpin bowling. Lowell's opener ‘Coleridge stands’ inhabits Coleridge's own self-styling: he often invoked the cross-linguistic whimsy by which his initials ‘S.T.C.’ actualised the Greek, ἐστηση, which means ‘he has stood’: he would sign his work or his letters Esteesee, or ἐστηση. He flames for his ‘one friend’—Wordsworth, we presume, although by interrupting the poem almost as soon as it has begun and inserting himself into it, Lowell is perhaps suggesting that he himself might be the friend, the heir of the earlier poet's genius. 
The Coleridge with whom Lowell empathizes is—who? A schizoid satellite of the poet's mind, the synthesis of the moment that Lowell called a blazing out, or a character of fiction? Of his concern with the unreal or the fictitious that memory and language combine to create within the given moment, Lowell justifies his method by his belief that the poet's approximation to truth is the closest we get to reality. “Unrealism can degenerate into meaningless clinical hallucinations or rhetorical machinery, but the true unreal is about something, and eats from the abundance of reality.” The subject of poetry is the “true unreal”, by which one means that area of consciousness in which inner and outer worlds find a congruity, and are heightened in their interdependency.
As Reed here suggests, we can take this sonnet not just as a poem about Lowell and Coleridge, but about Lowell as Coleridge: Lowelleridge, flaming into poetry, but under a paralysis of will, the in-voluntary imposter, characterised by his addiction (laudanum and brandy, Lowell's alcoholism and mental health issues) considered as diseases of the will. Soft-bodied, pudgy, powerful but strengthless, Esteesee has stood, but only as a tenpin stands, ready to be knocked down again. The 1820s and the 1970s, England and America—where Coleridge never came, although he planned to, his Pantisocratic scheme failing to actualise itself. The ‘alderman's stroll to positive negation’ combines a knock at Coleridge's bourgeois plumpness, his actual gait, with, as destination, the climactic phrase of his late poem ‘Limbo’ (1811, 1834). The poet describes the ‘strange place’ that is ‘not a place’ that is Limbo: in which a blind man stares sightlessly at the sightless moon. The last eight lines of this 28-line poem:
No such sweet sights doth Limbo Den immure,
Wall'd round, and made a Spirit-jail secure,
By the mere Horror of blank Naught-at-all,
Whose circumambience doth these Ghosts enthral.
A lurid thought is growthless, dull Privation,
Yet that is but a Purgatory curse;
Hell knows a fear far worse,
A fear—a future fate.—'Tis positive Negation!
In this post I suggest the blind man figures Homer, and that Coleridge is working through the Odyssey and Dante to arrive at a place of passivity, enthralment, the positive negation of the will.

The disease of the will, something Coleridge self-diagnosed and wrote about in his Notebooks, is also at the heart of ‘Coleridge and Richard II’:


His powerful imagination is tethered to ‘his dwindling will to act’. This Lowell characterises in gendered terms: ‘feminine friendism’ is quoted from Coleridge's Lectures on Shakespeare, commenting upon Richard II, Act 2 scene 2:
Queen: To please the king I did; to please myself
I cannot do it; yet I know no cause
Why I should welcome such a guest as grief,
Save bidding farewell to so sweet a guest
As my sweet Richard: yet again, methinks,
Some unborn sorrow, ripe in sorrow's womb,
Is coming toward me; and my inward soul
With nothing trembles: at something it grieves,
More than with parting from my lord the king.

It is clear that Shakspeare never meant to represent Richard as a vulgar debauchee, but a man with a wantonness of spirit in external show, a feminine friendism, an intensity of woman-like love of those immediately about him, and a mistaking of the delight of being loved by him for a love of him. And mark in this scene Shakspeare's gentleness in touching the tender superstitions, the ‘terræ incognitæ’ of presentiments, in the human mind; and how sharp a line of distinction he commonly draws between these obscure forecastings of general experience in each individual, and the vulgar errors of mere tradition. Indeed, it may be taken once for all as the truth, that Shakspeare, in the absolute universality of his genius, always reverences whatever arises out of our moral nature; he never profanes his muse with a contemptuous reasoning away of the genuine and general, however unaccountable, feelings of mankind.
This is one of those occasions, as Lowell intuits, when Coleridge is talking about himself as well as describing a Shakespearean character: famously, his account of Hamlet is a kind of autobiography. But we can also see Lowell clocking himself in the mirror, here: the king, the father-figure, and what Ian Gregson calls Lowell's ‘insinuation that his own father was not as masculine as he should have been.’ The biological father, the poetic father. Lowell styles the king looking in the mirror and seeing not himself but a shipwreck, sunk like the Titanic by ‘the white glittering inertia of the iceberg.’ I can't place Lowell's assertion that Coleridge believed ‘only blacks would cherish slavery for two thousand years’. STC was a lifelong abolitionist, who campaigned against slavery in verse and prose: for him, the history of the slave trade was “the history of one great calamity—one long continuous crime, involving every possible definition of evil; for it combined the wildest physical suffering with the most atrocious moral depravity’. [Coleridge, Shorter Works and Fragments (1995) 1:217]. He nowhere suggests that enslaved Africans or their descendents cherished their state. Perhaps the ‘two thousand years’ is a, somewhat obscure, reference to his belief that freedom for all slaves had to be accompanied by conversion to Christianity: Slavery constitutes ‘a body of Death into which Religion alone can awake the spirit of life,’ as he put it in a letter. Missionary work, and full conversion of the entire population of Africa to Christianity, would be the precondition of liberation: ‘The Africans are more versatile, more easily modified than perhaps any other known race. A few years of strict honest and humane attention to their interests, affections and prejudices would abolish the memory of the past, or cause it to be remembered only as a fair contrast.’ But this seems like a stretch.

Sunday, 9 June 2024

Louis Simond meets Southey and Coleridge, 1810


We had the pleasure of seeing several times the celebrated Mr Southey, a distinguished favourite of the English muses. Mr Coleridge, whose talents are equally known, although less fruitful, was at Mr S.'s, with whom he has some family connection. Both of these gentlemen, and, I believe, Mr Wordsworth, another of the poets of the lakes, had, in the warmth of their youthful days, some fifteen years ago, taken the spirited resolution of traversing the Atlantic, in order to breathe the pure air of liberty in the United States. Some accident delayed the execution of this laudable project, and gave them time to cool. At present, these gentlemen seem to think that there is no need of going so far for liberty, and that there is a reasonable allowance of it at home. Their democracy is come down to Whiggism, and may not even stop there. Mr S. has resided in Spain, and is well acquainted with the literature of that country, and its people. He thinks the Spaniards are well aware of the defects of their government, and that a thorough reformation of them, and in fact a revolution, would have united the whole people against the invaders, and have rendered them invincible. He and his friend are enthusiastic in the Spanish cause. This sentiment is, in them, I am persuaded, quite sincere, and founded on just and honourable principles. But it is remarkable, that this same Spanish cause is one of the watch-words of party, to which I have alluded before. By a strange perversion of the human mind, those liberal and independent opinions in matters of government, which one of the parties professes, are generally found associated with a certain toleration of usurpation and tyranny in certain situations; which is, on the contrary, held in utter abhorrence by the other party, although accused of being, otherwise, less nice on those points than its adversary. This might well raise uncharitable suspicions of the candour and sincerity of both.

I learned here, that there are good grounds to believe, that the valuable race of Spanish Merino sheep was originally introduced there from England (Gloucestershire,! think,). ... Mr S. has rectified the error I was in respecting the Spanish play from which Corneille drew his Cid. The old father, (Don Diego,) in the French Cid, seeking an avenger of his outraged honour, addresses his son in these words :—"Rodrigue, as-tu du coeur?" To which the young hero answers, "Tout autre que mon pere. l'eprouveroit sur l'heur!" I had been told that, in the Spanish play, the old father, calling his three sons in succession,, seizes the hand of the first, and, carrying it to his mouth, bites his thumb severely! This unexpected proceeding does not fail to occasion vehement outcries and struggles on the part of the son, who is, in consequence, dismissed with contempt. A second son undergoes the same trial, with no better result. At last comes the third, the young Cid, who bears the biting without emotion, and is immediately proclaimed the avenger. Instead of biting, I.now understand that the old father gives only a hard squeeze of the hand, which is certainly a less shocking violation of the French bienseances tragiques.

Mr S. has chosen a career in which he. does not meet at present with any competitor. He is eminently the poet of chimeras. Milton left a great model in this kind; and he has surpassed it in monstrous creations and events, so totally out of nature, as to exclude not only sympathy, but,, in a great degree, meaning itself.
Je 1'avouerai, j'aime toute aventure,
Qui tient de pres a l'humaine nature.
The coarse remark of Cardinal d'Este to Ariosto is well known: "Dove diavolo, Signor Ludovico, avete pigliate tante de coglionerie;" and most of the readers of Milton and of Mr S. might be inclined to repeat it;—in fact they have few readers, although they have many admirers. The modern poet understands piety and tenderness much better than his predecessor. The love and the theology of Paradise Lost are alike harsh and austere, coarse and material,—while Mr S. has tenderness and spirituality. The latter is as picturesque as Milton, who was a great landscape-painter, and, in the age of box parterres, dipt hedges, and jets-d'eau, respected the freedom, and loved the native graces of nature.

Mr S. is much esteemed by all those who are acquainted with him, and seems to have as much good sense and general knowledge as talents and genius. I was surprised to hear him censuring highly the doctrine of the Essay on Population, or rather not taking it in its true light. One of the dreams of the revolutionary philosophy was, the faculty of indefinite perfectibility in the human species; and one of its errors, or its artifices, was, to suppose that the great obstacles to this perfectibility came altogether from the social institutions. It is not to be wondered at, that the discovery of a still greater obstacle,—an insurmountable one, raised by nature itself,—which deprives that philosophy of a favourite dogma, should be very ill received by its followers, and excite their ill-humour. In consequence, the doctrine of population is one of the signals of party. It is often approved by the whigs; but I have not found any thorough reformer to whom it was not odious. These two parties having, however, many points of contact and natural sympathies, individuals slide easily and unconsciously from one to the other; and *when the metamorphosis takes place, it happens frequently that the new insect, fresh out of his old skin, drags still some fragments of it after him,—-just enough to indicate what he was before.
Here's Ira Grushaw on Simond:
Louis Simond (1767-1831) earned a permanent place in the footnotes of the literary history of England when he was entertained while touring the Lake Country by De Quincey, who characterized him as a "thorough, knowing man of the world, keen, sharp as a razor, and valuing nothing but the tangible and the ponderable." By birth a Frenchman, Simond emigrated before the Revolution in his native land to the United States, where he became a successful New York merchant. In 1810-11 he made a tour of Great Britain, where he encountered De Quincey, Wordsworth, and others, recording his impressions in a journal written originally in English and published anonymously by a "French traveler" in 1815. After Waterloo a French translation appeared, a second edition of which finally identified the author by name.
There's a fair bit in this volume about De Quincey; but I don't recall previously coming across this little snapshot of Southey and Coleridge at Keswick together.