Thursday, 16 January 2020

The Epoch Revisited: Honest Whoredom


It's not easy to reconstruct the events of the morning of 27th December 1806. Something that traumatized Coleridge, certainly. We know that he, separated from his wife, often depressed, fond of a drink and addicted to opium, had fallen in love with Wordsworth's unmarried sister-in-law, Sara Hutchinson (who lived with the Wordsworths). We know that Sara did not feel the same way. And we know that this unrequited passion gnawed at Coleridge, drove him nearly mad, that he poured his heart out into poems and entries in his notebook, invoking Sara via the pseudonym ‘Asra’. That he went so far as to leave Britain in 1804 to go and live in Malta in part to try and cauterize the yearning, but that when he returned to England and travelled up to stay with the Wordsworths for Christmas 1806 his feelings proved much as they had always been. Then things get less clear. This is what I wrote about what followed, whatever that was, in a previous blogpost:
Richard Holmes notes in his Coleridge: Darker Reflections that the events are ‘very difficult to reconstruct.’ On the morning of Saturday 27th December Coleridge (perhaps having been up all night, and perhaps in an exhausted, opiated or drunken state) appears to have gone into Sara's room, seen something, and run away—literally run out of the house, over the fields, and into a tavern, where he stayed all day drinking and scribbling pages of desperate prose in his notebook under the portentous heading ‘The Epoch’.


He later tore most of these pages out and destroyed them, but the event stayed with him, and later notebook entries often refer to it. Here are a couple of examples of what I mean. See if you can piece together from them what it was that Coleridge saw in Sara Hutchinson's room that morning:
[September 1807] O agony! O the vision of that Saturday morning!—of the Bed—O cruel! is not he beloved, adored by two—& two such Beings.—And must I not be beloved near him except as a Satellite?—But O mercy, mercy! Is he not better, greater, more manly, & altogether more attractive to any but the purest Woman? And yet, he does not pretend, he does not wish, to love you as I love you, Sara! [Notebooks 2:2148]
‘He’ is Wordsworth; the two beings who adore him are presumably Sara and Mary, neither of whom adore poor old Coleridge. Half a year later STC wrote this:
[May 1808] O that miserable Saturday morning! ... But a minute and a half with ME and all the time evidently restless & going—An hour and more with Wordsworth—in bed—O agony! [Notebooks 2:3328]
The ‘in bed’ is written with Greek characters, a code Coleridge often used when he wished to disguise something in his notes. This seems clearer. There's not much a man can do with an evidently unenthusiastic woman in a minute and a half, out of bed, beyond some fumbling and kissing; but a different man, married to that woman's sister though he might be, could do a lot more with her, in bed, for an hour and more. Were Wordsworth and Sara clothed when Coleridge stumbled in upon them? Well, some years STC later wrote of his agony at dreaming about Sara and William together and seeing ‘Asra's beautiful breasts uncovered’ [Notebooks, 4:4537]—an entry that may rehearse an actual memory of that morning, although it was perhaps simply a fantasy. The thing is, as Holmes points out, Coleridge also devoted a lot of time and energy in his notebooks trying to convince himself that what he had seen was only a ‘phantasm’, an opium hallucination, a ‘morbid Day-Dream’ (‘a mere phantasm and yet what anguish, what gnawings of despair, what throbbings and lancinations of positive Jealousy!’). This, though, looks to me more like the energetic attempt at self-delusion of a desperate man. Ockham's razor might suggest that whilst Coleridge probably was the worse for wear (he would hardly have stumbled unannounced into Sara's bedroom otherwise), he nonetheless saw what he saw: Wordsworth and Sara naked in bed together. It wouldn't, after all, be the first or last time in human history that a man had sex with his wife's sister; and the existence of Wordsworth's illegitimate daughter with Annette Vallon, to say nothing of the more lurid rumours surrounding his love-life, indicate that he was not what one might call an entirely sexually continent individual.
This isn't the consensus view. It's more usual, I suppose, among Coleridgeans to credit the ‘phantasm’ explanation. Some Romanticists, indeed, wax positively indignant at the suggestion that Wordsworth shagged Sara. John Worthern is angered by the very idea, calling it ‘the most extraordinary argument: that because Sara impressed Wordsworth with her critical opinions, it was natural that he should go to bed with her ... [it] says not one word about Wordsworth's capacity for faithfulness, or his marriage vows, or even about the sheer improbability of such an event, but assumes that because Sara was attractive it would have been natural for Wordsworth to sleep with her’. To which I'm tempted to reply; well, duh.

Of course it goes without saying that we cannot with absolute certainty recover what happened that morning. But I know what I think happened, and you can weigh the evidence and come to your own conclusions.

To that end, I'm going to argue that the next two entries in Coleridge's Notebooks, after (that is) the portentious ‘The Epoch’ entry above (and following the ‘three leaves cut out after the last word at the bottom of this page’)—that the next two entries to have survived from Coleridge's Notebooks, though they have hitherto remained unsourced and unidentified, in fact provide us with pretty compelling evidence-via-imputation as to what happened in Coleorton that morning.

Those entries are as follows. First:
2976 11.45 Fate-encircled Life: your days are tedious, & were it not for riotous Dancing at the hour when all matrons sleep, dreaming of Babe or Husband—Husband or Babe or both by her side, or in her arms there really being were it not for feasting, dancing, wine, which drown and hang in you every honest Thought And on your eyelids hangs so heavily, They have no power to look so high as heaven, you'd muse yourself into a present Hell of Thought By sense of the Hell that is already round you, upon you, in you/an outcast from your nature, yea, only then being something that the Sun can shine on blameless when you pine in anguish o'er that you were and are not.
Of this passage Kathleen Coburn comments: ‘No clue has been found as to source, application or the intention of this entry’. Some critics have assumed it to be STC's own composition. David Ward [in Coleridge and the Nature of Imagination: Evolution, Engagement with the World and Poetry (Palgrave 2013), 49] thinks it a piece of pre-Joyce Joycean free association:

That nice little quotation from the Marginalia notwithstanding, this Notebook entry actually isn't Coleridge's original composition. I'll come back to the real author in a moment. First, let's look at the next entry:
2977 11.46 And the free Light may triumph in our faces—
Coburn: ‘the line is not published as Coleridge's by Ernest Hartley Coleridge [she means in his pothumous editions, Anima Poetae (1895) or Complete Poetical Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1912)], nor has any other source been found.’ J C C Mays does print the line as one of Coleridge's, in his 2001 Bollingen/Princeton Poetical Works [1:2, p. 815 #400], although he qualifies his inclusion a little: it is, he thinks, ‘not certainly by C’. Mays adds that Coleridge ‘had recorded on a previous leaf [of the Notebooks] a crucial moment in the history of his jealous fears of SH's intimacy with WW, and an unexplained entry intervenes.’ Indeed.

Anyway: this line is not by Coleridge. It's quoted from George Chapman's Jacobean comedy All Fools (1604). Here's the relevant passage from Dodsley's Old Plays (vol 4, 1780), an edition which we know Coleridge read:


All Fools combines a plot about a son with a secret wife, who persuades his brother (the two of them are speaking here) to pretend she is actually his wife, for complicated reasons to do with their watchful, suspicious father—with a sub-plot about a man called Cornelio who is so jealous of his wife Gazetta that he challenges the man he thinks is her lover to a duel. It seems almost too on-the-nose for Coleridge's situation, or at the least for his bitter state of mind, during his epochal pub-session following his traumatic discovery on the morning of the 27th. That said, the actual line he has written into the notebook has an almost hopeful flavour, as if Coleridge is imaginatively projecting into a wished-for imaginative future when death will release Samuel, William and Sara all three to the clear light of God's love, and the whole jealous tangle will be dissolved in Sam's amorous favour: ‘Do but send/Her serjeant John Death to arrest his body,/Our souls shall rest, wench, then and the free light/Shall triumph in our faces, where now night,/Lowers at our meeting.’ Wench, no less!

I'm straying into speculation. What about that earlier passage, which J C C Mays calls ‘unexplained’ and David Ward thinks resembles Joyce's experiments with language? It's mostly from Middleton and Dekker's The Honest Whore (1604), a play thought in Coleridge's day to have been authored by Thomas Dekker solus. We're in Scene 6. The young hero Hippolito believes his true love, Infelice, the Duke of Milan's daughter, to be dead. In fact the Duke has staged a mock funeral to discourage Hippolito's suit, since he dislikes the young man, and actually Infelice is still alive; but Hippolito doesn't know that. He visits a brothel, with certain friends, but is too mournful to avail himself of the entertainments therein. One of establishment's prostitutes is Bellafront, the titular honest whore; and she, it turns out, is in love with Hippolito. He tells her that, were she his mistress, he'd forbid her from sleeping with other men and she confides in him that she desires nothing more than to be faithful with one true lover. Hippolito scoffs at this, accusing her of trying to seduce him with false promises of fidelity. There is, Hippolito insists, no such thing as an ‘honest whore’. He goes further, vowing to ‘teach’ Bellafront ‘how to loathe’ herself, which he does by delivering a lengthy speech concerning the intrinsic sordid wickedness of prostitution and prostitutes.
HIPPOLITO: A harlot is like Dunkirk, true to none;
Swallows both English, Spanish, fulsome Dutch,
Back-doored Italian, last of all the French.
And he sticks to you, faith; gives you your diet,
Brings you acquainted, first with Monsieur Doctor,
And then you know what follows.

BELLAFRONT:                               Misery
Rank, stinking, and most loathsome misery

HIPPOLITO: Methinks a toad is happier than a whore:
That with one poison swells, with thousands more
The other stocks her veins. Harlot? Fie, fie!
You are the miserablest creatures breathing.
The very slaves of nature. Mark me else:
You put on rich attires, othersʼ eyes wear them;
You eat but to supply your blood with sin.
And this strange curse eʼen haunts you to your graves:
From fools you get, and spend it upon slaves.
Like bears and apes, youʼre baited and show tricks
For money, but your bawd the sweetness licks.
Indeed, you are their journey-women, and do
All base and damned works they list set you to,
So that you neʼer are rich. For do but show me,
In present memory or in ages past,
The fairest and most famous courtesan –
Whose flesh was dearʼst, that raised the price of sin,
And held it up; to whose intemperate boso
Princes, earls, lords (the worst has been a knight,
The meanʼst a gentleman) have offered up
Whole hecatombs of sighs, and rained in showʼrs
Handfuls of gold – yet, for all this, at last
Diseases sucked her marrow; then grew so poor
That she has begged, eʼen at a beggarʼs door.
And – wherein heavʼn has a finger – when this idol
From coast to coast has lept on foreign shores,
And had more worship than thʼoutlandish whores;
When several nations have gone over her;
When for each several city she has seen
Her maidenhead has been new, and been sold dear;
Did live well there, and might have died unknown
And undefamed – back comes she to her own,
And there both miserably lives and dies,
Scorned even of those that once adored her eyes,
As if her fatal-circled life thus ran
Her pride should end there where it first began.

[She weeps.]

What, do you weep to hear your story read?
We can picture Coleridge going over these lines, in the agitated state of the immediate aftermath of ‘the Epoch.’ He is Hippolito, cathartically venting his fury on the sexual infidelities of his Bella-Sara. The phrase fatal-circled life, from the end of this speech, strikes him, and he jots it down. Hippolito's monologue continues, and another passage from it connects with STC enough for him to write it out into his notebook, riffing upon it and modifying it as he does so:
BELLAFRONT: [Weeping] O yes, I pray, proceed.
Indeed, ʼtwill do me good to weep, indeed.

HIPPOLITO: To give those tears a relish, this I add:
Youʼre like the Jews, scattered, in no place certain.
Your days are tedious, your hours burdensome;
And wereʼt not for full suppers, midnight revels,
Dancing, wine, riotous meetings, which do drown
And bury quite in you all virtuous thoughts,
And on your eyelids hang so heavily
They have no power to look so high as heaven,
Youʼd sit and muse on nothing but despair,
Curse that devil Lust, that so burns up your blood,
And in ten thousand shivers break your glass
For his temptation.
Halfway through writing this speech down, at the moment when Hippolito invokes Bellafront's despair, STC veers away into his own sermon-like speculations:
Fate-encircled Life: your days are tedious, & were it not for riotous Dancing at the hour when all matrons sleep, dreaming of Babe or Husband—Husband or Babe or both by her side, or in her arms there really being were it not for feasting, dancing, wine, which drown and hang in you every honest Thought And on your eyelids hangs so heavily, They have no power to look so high as heaven, you'd muse yourself into a present Hell of Thought By sense of the Hell that is already round you, upon you, in you/an outcast from your nature, yea, only then being something that the Sun can shine on blameless when you pine in anguish o'er that you were and are not.
Hell of Thought, a state of mind with which he was only too familiar (he might have been prompted by the repentent Bellafront's later line: ‘The lowest fall can be but into hell’ [scene 11]). An outcast from her nature: for surely this could not be the true nature of the Sara he loved so deeply? Looking forward to her anguished pining, her repetance, when the sun could shine upon her blamelessness again.

What happens in the play is that Hippolito's words so move Bellafront that first she tries to kill herself with a sword, and he has to prevent her. Later she gives up prostitution, despite both inducements and invective from her bawd, and ends the play respectably married (the Duke insists that the man who first seduced and deflowered her, a fellow called Matteo, must now make an honest woman of her). Hippolito, meanwhile, gets to marry the Duke's daughter Infelice.

What do we make of this? Absolute certainty is not the game here, of course, although I'd say we can at least weigh the balance of probabilities. Either Coleridge wrote these passages down as part of his ‘The Epoch’ freakout (and then tore out the three previous pages but not the page containing these two), or else he wrote them soon after that day of acutest distress. Either way it seems to me they are evidence of a man, in mental anguish, finding passages in old plays that chime with his desolate conviction that women are whores, complicated only by the unextinguished hope that they might prove honest whores at some point in the future. And when I say ‘women’, of course I mean: one particular woman. With respect to Coleridge's 27th December, there are really only two possibilities: either he actually chanced upon Wordsworth and Sara in flagrante, or else he only thought he did—the ‘phantasm’ hypothesis. Okham's razor and common sense seem to me to point us towards the former, but even if we believe the latter then we have to acknowledge that the phantasm was so convincing to Coleridge that his first instinct was to believe it wholeheartedly. These two quotations, and the plays from which they come, speak surely to a mental state in which vitriolic misogynist invective connected intimately with his state of mind. That fact in itself seems to me a second piece of evidence supporting the ‘it really happened’ thesis.

Wednesday, 15 January 2020

“I Used To Love France ...”


Notebooks 2940 [11.34]: ‘Amabam Galliam (quatenus et quantum a vere Anglo amari Gallia potest) vel eo nomine quod—nobis dedisset: nunc odio eandem eo etiam ipso nomine prosequor.’ This means ‘I used to love France (insofar and to that degree any Englishman can love France)—or at least I loved the things that came to us in the name of France: but now I hate and pursue her in that very name.’ Kathleen Coburn dates this entry to December 1806.



Since nobody was sure where the Latin was from (Coburn: ‘the source is not known’), and since it so neatly encapsulates STC's shift from youthful enthusiasm for liberty to middle-aged Burkean hostility to French revolutionary upheavals, scholars have sometimes assumed it was written by Coleridge himself. It wasn't though. It's Coleridge minimally adapting something said by Renaissance French scholar Henri Estienne (1528-98).

The context of the original statement was a dispute between Estienne and the celebrated Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives over, of all things, Aulus Gellius. Estienne, editing an edition of Gellius's Noctes Atticae (Paris 1585), discovered that Vives had criticised Gellius as ‘indigestible’, and also on account of his (Gellius's) low opinion of Seneca—a Spanish-born Roman citizen. Estienne complained that Vives had allowed love of his own country, Spain, to overwhelm the truth (putting amor patriae before amor veritatis). In a supplement to his edition, titled Noctes Parisinae, Estienne took Vives to task in detail. He insisted that he had used to love Vives, prior to this attack on Gellius, at least so far as any Frenchman can love a Spaniard—but no longer: ‘Amabam Hispaniam (quatenus et quantum a vere Gallo amari Hispania potest) vel eo nomine quod Ludovicum Vivem nobis dedisset: nunc odio eandem eo etiam ipso nomine prosequor.’


This is from the third page of the dedicatory epistle right at the start of Estienne's edition. There's a nice irony in Coleridge taking a Frenchman's words to express his own growing hostility to, precisely, Frenchmen.

Saturday, 11 January 2020

Coleridge's Sicilian Inscription


The above is from Coleridge's Notebooks [2:2176, as you can see], dated by Kathleen Coburn to August 1804. It appears to be an inscription or perhaps a poem from a ‘hospes’—a hostel or monastery—near Mount Etna in Sicily. In a brief note that (evidently) records a laborious, lengthy and ultimately futile process of enquiry, Coburn reluctantly concedes defeat:


All that can be deduced from context is that Coleridge visited the Benedictine Monastery at Nicolosi, near Mount Etna, and there jotted these lines down. They might have been an inscription or (something Coburn considers more likely) ‘Coleridge might have found the lines in an album’. In either case the original has since been lost, which, since Etna experienced major eruptions in 1928, 1949, 1971, 1979, 1981, 1983 and 1991–1993 (and that's only limiting ourselves to the twentieth-century), is not surprising.

I can shed a little more light on this. It turns out the entry is Coleridge's record of an inscription written on the wall of the ‘first room’ (perhaps the antechamber, or hallway, or else perhaps the largest of the interior rooms) of the monastery. I know this because a visitor called Niccolò lo Bosco also made note of the inscription; his account afterwards being published in the 1846 Giornale del Gabinetto Letterario dell Accademia Gioenia di Catania [pp 61-62].



Bosco records that the inscription dates to 1735, and notes that (‘a mettere il lettore al fatto della storia, e de' fasti di questo antico cenobio casinese mi basta per tatto documento riportare le quattro belle iscrizioni latine che si leggono nella prima sala del presente ospizio’; ‘to inform the reader of the facts of history, and of the glories of this ancient Casinese monastery, it suffices for me to report the four beautiful Latin inscriptions that can be read in the first room of this hospice’) it is one of four. He also transcribes the other three, but I'm going to limit myself to the one that caught Coleridge's eye. Bosco's Latin differs in small ways from STC's:
Quisquis hoc templum hospes ingrederis,
paulisper in limine consiste,
locique sanctitatem venerare
temporis vicissitudine non extinctam;
nigris hic sub arenis
piorum ascetarum conduntur cineres;
      ne mireris
sterile sabulum sacrorum ossiuni attactu
gratos ubique antumnavit in fructus,
pomis onustos palmites dedit:
et qui viventes in carne
virtutum fuderunt odores
in pulveres resoluti
adhuc vernant in floribus
adhuc oleut in rosis.
Aedem hanc ipsorum vita
ipsorum miraculis
multiples inspice redivivam,
Aetnaei montis impeta jacuit,
pulchrior e ruina surrexit;
iterum terretmotu collisa
nobìliorem induit venustatem,
eo adversae fortunae emolumento
ut varios tot inter casus
pugnasse diceres ac triumphasse pietatem.
Felix ergo progredere,
divique tutelaris effigiem
religioso cultu devoto prosequens,
prospera omnia ab ejus patrocinio
        tibi polliceas.
This means: ‘whosoever wishes to enter into this sacred hostel stop, if only for a moment, on the threshold, and pay homage to the holiness of this place which the vissicitudes of time have not erased; beneath this black sand are the ashes of holy monks cached as treasure; do not marvel; the sterile sand has been brought into contact with these saints' bones and the admixture has, in the course of time, resulted in lovely fruits endowing the orchard trees with heavy-laden branches: those who lived in the flesh have gifted to the flowers their fragrant virtue by the intermixture of their dust, and they still bloom with the flowers, still cast their scent with the roses. Consider that this holy place is restored to life by their life and miracles. What Mount Etna, in the force of its eruption, has laid low has risen from its ruins more lovely than before. On this hill did nobility graciously don the mantle of adversity, and it can be said that holiness has fought through many disasters and been rewarded with victory. May you go on your way in peace, and, by honouring the spirit that guards this place, be sure that its grace will keep you well in your travels.’

This translation (it's mine) differs in a couple of particulars from the one Coburn prints, though it's not clear to me if her ‘inquirat’ [line 1] for Bosco's ‘ingrederis’ is her error of transcription from STC's notebooks, or STC's error copying the actual inscription (or perhaps STC has it correct, and Bosco has erred: the difference is between ‘whoever wishes to know about’ and ‘whoever wishes to enter into’). Similarly Coburn has ‘condumento’ [line 23], which is just odd, where Bosco has the more logical ‘emolumento’.

The monastery had been completely destroyed when Etna erupted in 1693, and was subsequently rebuilt from scratch. This 1735 inscription is, amongst other things, a record of that fact. Clearly, the text has since been destroyed itself, probably by a subsequent eruption (or perhaps when the monastery was desacralised in 1866; it has since been restored as a religious site). So without these two men jotting it down, Coleridge in 1804 and Bosco four decades later, we would have no idea about it whatsoever.

Thursday, 7 November 2019

Coleridge's Greek Ode: "Against The Slave Trade" (1792)



A student at Cambridge in 1792, Coleridge entered the competition for the university's Brown Medal ‘for a poem written in imitation of Sappho’. He worked hard composing his 100-line Greek ode, taking as his topic the evils of the slave trade, and in June he won the gold medal, formally reciting his winning ode before an audience of Fellows on 3rd July 1792. It’s not a poem that has endured, though: rarely discussed even by specialists and ignored or mocked by more general Coleridgeans. Richard Holmes [Coleridge: Early Visions (1989), 43] records that ‘Richard Porson, the new Professor of Greek, privately offered to show 134 examples of bad Greek in it … more than one error per line.’ Over a beer (we were at a conference I think) Edith Hall once asked me if I liked the poem, adding ‘it’s really not very good, I think’. Her Ancient Greek is vastly better than mine, so you should probably trust her assessment. Still: the claim that there are ‘134 examples of bad Greek’, even including the (notoriously tricky) judgement of dodgy metrical calls, is, simply, an untruth. Classicist James Diggle, more sober-headed than most Coleridge scholars—something helped by the fact that he's not primarily a Coleridge scholar—notes that ‘the reputation of Coleridge’s ode has never recovered from the blow that was dealt by an anonymous reviewer of Biographia Literaria in 1817’. He quotes the relevant passage:
His classical knowledge was found at the University to be equally superficial. He gained a prize there for a Greek Ode which for ever blasted his character as a scholar; all the rules of that language being therein perpetually violated. We were once present in a literary company, where Porson offered to shew in it, to a gentleman who was praising this Ode, 134 examples of bad Greek. [Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 2(1817), 12]
But despite the fact this story has often been reported (as Diggle says) ‘as if it were authenticated fact’ it is highly unlikely to be true. Porson showed 134 example of bad Greek in the poem?
I doubt it; and I doubt if he offered to. The reviewer begins with two sentences of humbug which he justifies in the third by invoking the authority of Porson. Since Porson was dead and the rest of the ‘literary company’ remains unnamed, the reviewer could cite Porson without fear of contradiction. ‘134 examples’: why, and when, did Porson made such a precise count? As an examiner? An examiner who could find so many (more than one per line) could not award the medal. Perhaps he was not an examiner; but, if not, motive and occasion are even harder to divine. At all events, only a few months later (January 1793) we find Porson examining Coleridge for the Craven Scholarship and judging him worthy to be on the shortlist of four out of seventeen candidates. Coleridge himself, who at this time idolized Porson, believed he had Porson’s vote. And he believed he would have won the medal again in the following year if only Porson had been an examiner. The idolatry continued even after the review was published. [Diggle, ‘Coleridge’s Greek Ode on the Slave Trade’, Notes and Queries (March 2002)].
Diggle, whose expertise really is ungainsayable, identifies maybe twelve instances of ‘wrong or dubious’ Greek in the poem, most of them pretty trivial (he also finds ‘a few false quantities’, which is venal rather than mortal sinning, I feel). Otherwise this is a pretty sound Greek ode. In other words: the ‘134 errors’ line is a canard, and insofar as there are errors they fall within the parameters not only of modern imitations of Ancient Greek verse, but of actual Ancient Greek verse, where such ‘errors’ are often found, are called ‘cruces’, and are either emended, explained away as ‘poetic licence’ or else ignored.

It raises an interesting, or interesting-to-me, question, though. How far are we even able to read a poem like this? We can decipher it, perhaps situate it in its particular neo-Greek tradition, register its various (sometimes rather clonking) intertextual allusions and games. But where I trust my sense of how an English poem works, how form and content work together, how expressive it may be in terms of imagery, how metrically monotonous or inventive and so on, I can't pretend that I have the same intuitive sense of how a Greek or Latin poem works. For instance, I understand (more or less) the prosodic rules to which these poems conform, and can, with a bit of labour, map out metrical patterns; but I can't really hear verse patterned according to long and short vowels. I simply don't tune-in to quantity in the way I can hear, and indeed grok pretty well, ictus, patterns of stressed and unstressed syllables. Quantity is not intuitive for me in the way ictus is. That may be a shaming confession to make, I don't know; and there is a lot we don't know about how the ancients heard their verse (ictus may have played a larger part than is sometimes thought). But I daresay it does hamstring my critical faculties a little bit.

This also opens questions of audience. To read Sappho, or Pindar (or whoever), is a process of translation in a linguistic but also a cultural sense, one guided by a more or less tacit the original audience would have x'd or y'd to such a poem... With Coleridge's ode there was no ancient audience, and hypothecating one is only to emphasise the extent to which the poem is, inevitably, a fake antique. I mean, STC is perfectly above board about his poem's fakeness, not only in its authorship but in the body of the text itself: Thanatos, Themis and the other Greek divinities are period-appropriate, but there's no Ἰλβρεφωρoς [line 63] in the ancient world. But, see, that's interesting: presumably Coleridge wants us to read his Hellenization of Wilberforce's name and say to ourselves something like: ‘clearly this name would have started with a digamma in pre-classical Greek, but by Sappho's time ϝίλβρεφωρoς had become Ἰλβρεφωρoς...’ That's quite a sophisticated metatextual game, I'd say, even if it is one forced on Coleridge by classical Greek's lack of a ‘W’.

So my sense is that there's quite a lot of striking poetry in this Greek ode, for all that it's an exercise confected to a large extent out of bits and pieces from Aeschylus, Pindar and university text-books. Which is to say it's not merely an exercise, and several of these lines are nicely euphonious: Death flying the souls of murdered slaves over the uneven swell of the vast ocean Δασκίοις ἐπὶ ἀιρόμενοι πτερoισι/Tραχὺ μακρῶ Ὠκεᾰνῶ [lines 9-10] is a couplet with a lovely rise and fall musicality to it; or there's the insistent but not over-played k-alliteration of ρῶ Κήρυκ' Ἐλέω, κλάδοισιν/Ὠς κατάσκιον κεφελὰν ἐλάιας! [lines 61-62], presaging the arrival of Wilberforce as if clanging a bell. Some of the imagery is stock-footage, but some is striking, and the whole thing reads to me as heartfelt. See what you think:


Ω σκότω πύλας, Θανατε, προλείπων
Ές γένος σπεύδων ἵθι ζεύχθεν
Ὀυ ξενισθήσῃ γενύων σπαραγμοῖς
                 Ὀυδ’ ὀλολυγμῷ,

Ἀλλὰ καὶ κύκλοισι χοροιτύποισιν
Κἀσμάτων χαρᾷ; φοβερὸς μὲν ἐσσί,
Ἀλλ' ὁμῶς Ἐλευθερίᾳ συνοικεῖς,
                 Στυγνὲ Τύραννε!

Δασκίοις ἐπὶ ἀιρόμενοι πτερoισι
Tραχὺ μακρῶ Ὠκεᾰνῶ δι’οἶδμα                 [10]
Ἀδονᾶν φῐ́λας ἐς ἔδρας πέτωνται
                 Γαν τε πατρώαν

Ἔνθα μὰν ἔρασταὶ ἐρωμένῃσιν
Ἀμπὶ κρουνοῖσιν κιτρίων ὑπ' ἀλσῶν,
Oἶα πρὸς βροτῶν ἔπαθον βροτοί, τὰ
                 Δεινὰ λέγοντι.

Φευ, κόρω Nᾶσοι φονίω γέμουσαι
Δυσθεατοῖς ἀμφιθαλεῖς κακοῖσι
Πᾶ νοσεῖ λιμὸς, βρέμεταί τε πλάγα
                 Ἀιματόεσσα,                               [20]

Ἀμμέων ἴω ποσάκις πρόσηζεν
Ὀππάτεσσι δακρυόεσσ' ὀμίχλη,
Ποσσάκις κ' ᾄμα κραδία στέναζεν!
                 Ἀινοπαθει γὰρ

Δουλίᾳ γέννᾳ Βαρέως συναλγῷ,
Ὠς ἀφωντήῳ στεναχεῦντι πενθεῖ,
Ὠς πόνων δίναις στυγέρων κύκλουνται,
                 Τέκνα Ἀνάγκας.

Ἀμέπῃσ' ἔπει ἀφιλῃσιν ἄμπι
Κᾶυμα, καὶ Λοιμὸς, Καματός τ' ἄφερτος         [30]
Μάρναται, καὶ Μναμοσύνας τὰ πικρὰ
                 Φάσματα λυγρᾶς.

Φεῦ· κάμοντας Μάστις ἄγρυπνος ὀρμα,
Ἄλιον πρίν ἄν ἐπέγειρεν Ἄως·
Κ' Ἄματος δύνει γλυκύδερκες ἄστρον,
                 Πένθεα δ' ἀνθεῖ

Ἐις ἄεν· ψυχὰν γὰρ ἀωρόνυκτα
Δέιματ' ἐμπλήττει, κότον ἐμπνέοντα·
Ὄμμα κοιμᾶται μελέοις Φόβος δὲ
                  Ὄυδεποτ' ὐπνοῖ.                        [40]

Ἐι δὲ τὶ ψεῦδος μεθέπῳντι ἄδυ
Ἔλπιδος σκίαις μετ' ὀνειροφάντοις,
Ὺβρέως ἀνιστάμενοι τάχ' ὀιστροῖς
                 Ἀλιθιῶνται.

Ω κακοῖσι Δουλοσύνας χλίοντες,
Ἀθλίων ω βοσκόμενοι διοιγμοῖς,
Πᾶιδες ὔβρισται Κόρω, ἀυτάδελφον,
                 Αἶμα δρέποντες,

Ὀυ ρα προσδέρκει τάδ' ἄφυκτον
Ὄμμα; Ὀυ ρα κ'ἄμειψιν Νεμέσις τινάσσει    [50]
Πυρπνόαν; ἀκούετ'; ἤ οὐκ ακούετ';
                  Ὠς χθόνα πάλλει

Πνεύματ' ἐκ ρίζων, καὶ ὐποστένοντι
Γᾶς μυχοὶ, βυθόι τε μυκῶνται ἀινῶς,
Ἐγκοτεῖν τοὺς νέρθεν ὐπεγγύωντες
                 Τοῖς κτανέουσιν!

Ἀλλὰ τίς μ' ᾄχω μελίγαρυς, οἶαι
Δωριᾶν ριπὰι κιθαρᾶν, προσέπτα;
Τίς ποτιστάζει ψιθύρισμον ἄδυν
                 Μάλθακα φώυα;                           [60]

Οἶ! ὀρῶ Κήρυκ' Ἐλέω, κλάδοισιν
Ὠς κατάσκιον κεφελὰν ἐλάιας!
Οἶ! λόγων τέων γάνος, Ἰλβρεφωρσεῦ
                 Χρύσεον ἄιω!

“Πάγα Δακρύων ὄσια, σταλαγμῶν
“Νῦν ἄλις τέων· στεροπᾷ ξεναρκεῖ
“Τᾶς δικᾶς ἀτυζόμενον τεθνάζει
                  “Πῆμα δάμασθεν.

“Ἐμπέσει δ' ἀκταῖς Λιβυκῇσιν οὐκέτ’
“Ἀ χάρις χρυσῶ ἄχαρις βδέλυκτα,                  [70]
“Οἴα ύ ἰππέυει καπυροῖς ἀήταις
                  “ Ἔκπνοα λοιμῶ

“Πάτριδος πόρρω συνομαιμένων τε
“Γῆρας οὐ μόχθοις ἀνόμος παλαίσει
“Τῶ βιῶ ποιφύγματα δύντοσαἴ· αἴ·
                  “ Ἄγρια φυσῶν.

“Ὀυ φόβῳ Μάθηρ ἄμα θεσπιωδῷ
“Στάθεσιν βρέφος πελάσει πινώδες·
“ Ὀυ· περισσῶς ἐκτέταται γὰρ ἤδη
                  “Δούλιον Ἆμαρ.                             [80]

“Ὄιτινες, Δούλοι βλοσυρῶν Δυνάστων,
“Δάκρυον τέυυειν Ελέω παρειὰν
“Οὐδαμῶς ἴδον, μελέοι, πάθοντες
                  “Θπάυματ' ἀκούειν.

“Ὕμμι τὰι Παῖδες Θέμιτος γενοῦνται
“Ἀνθεμίζουσαι βρόδα τᾶς Γαλανᾶς,
“ Ἴρον ἠδ' Ἐλευθερίας σέβας δὴ,
                  “Μάτρος ἀέθλων.”

Τοῖ' ἔπεμψαν ἰμερόεντα μᾶλλον
Ἀῦραι ἤ Νίκας περ’ ὄχος βράδυνθεν                 [90]
Τῶν ἀνηριθμῶν ἰάχαι, Θριαμβω
                  Ἄματι τερπνῶ.

Χᾶιρ’ ὄς εὖ νωμᾶς Ἐλέω τὸν οἴακ’!
Ἐργμάτων καλῶν Ἀγάπη πτεροῖσι
Δακρύων ἔντοσθε γέλωτα θεῖσα
                 Σὲ στεφανώσει.

Ἤδε Μοῖσα, τᾶν Ἀρετᾶν ὀπαδὸς,
Σεῖο μεμνᾶσθαι συνεχῶς φιλήσει·
Τλαμόνων ἤδ’ εὐλογίαις πρὸς ἄιθερ’
                 Οὔνομ’ ἀίζει.                                     [100]


In English:
           
Departing through gates of darkness, O Death
you hurry to a folk chained by misery
not to be met with people tearing their cheeks
                 or ululation,

but instead with dancing in a circle
and songs of joy; for though you are fearful,
you also are where Freedom's dwelling is found,
                 sternest of Lords!

Carried on your colourless wings
over the uneven swell of the great Ocean,          [10]
they fly to their yearned-for homes
                 in their native land.

There, beside the flowing fountains, where
lemon-tree groves abound, telling lovers how
men treated them, though they were themselves men,
                 with such horror.

How sad it is: islands crammed with killing
all around blooming with terrible evils
sickening famine, the sound of whips echo,
                 so much blood,                                        [20]

how often, alas, has a tear-filled mist
descended over my eyes, how often
has my sorrow-filled heart groaned!
                 And the suffering

race of slaves has my weighted sympathy,
as they groan in unspeakable grief,
as they labour in their hateful circles:
                 Necessity's children.

During those loveless days when
scorching heat, and hunger, and exhaustion         [30]
they battle with the bitternesses of Memory's
                 mournful phantasms.

Alas; the unsleeping Scourge drives them,
exhausted with work before the dawn;
Day's star, looking sweetly on, sinks down,
                 as sorrows still rise

and forever; their souls breathe midnight
terrors, and are struck down by angry force;
their eyes see only misery, and a Fear
                  that never sleeps      .                        [40]

Yet if they seek the sweet delusions
of hope, of dream-glimpsed shadows,
this is but Hubris and its waking sting
                 bewilders them.

You who revel in slavery's evil,
richly fed by the groans of the wretched,
you overreaching children of Excess, who spill
                 your brothers' blood:

are you not seen by the Inescapable
Eye? Are you not threatened by Nemesis's        [50]
fiery breath? Do you hear? Can't you hear?
                  how chthonic winds

shake the roots of the world, how caves
groan beneath us all, such terrible roars
from the bowels of the earth pledging revenge
                 against the killers!

And what honied echo, like the
strumming of a Dorian guitar, comes now?
What softness is this that sprinkles
                 such sweet whispers?                         [60]

There! I see a Herald of Pity, an olive-sprig
upon his brow to shade his head!
There! I hear your words, Wilberforce!
                 their golden joy!

“Fountain of holy tears, your pourings
“now must cease, dry-up, as the
“stranger-helping lightning flash of Justice
                  “subdues Misery.

“No longer will Libya's shore oppress you,
“or the charm of charmless Gold bring horror,    [70]
“or parching desert-storms carry
                  “Pestilence's breath.

“Though fatherland and folk are far distant
“no longer will Old Age wrestle lawlessness
“as the last gasps of a life, alas, dying
                  “wildly blow.

“No longer, too, will the Mother feed
“her grimy child at her breast in fear.
“No longer! this already too much prolonged
                  “day of Slavery.                                    [80]

“You who, the slaves of violent masters,
“never saw a single rolling tear of pity
“wet their cheeks, you who have suffered things
                  “staggering to hear.

“the daughters of Themis shall come to you
“with garlands of pale-blue honeysuckle
“ for peace, and holy Freedom shall come,
                  “Mother of Festivity.”

Breezes sent blowing with great love
accompanying the ever-delayed chariot of Nike,             [90]
are the shouts of countless voices, of Triumph's
                  joyous songs.

Hail, you whose hand steers the rudder of Pity!
High spiritual Love, winging all good deeds
blending laughter in among her tears, shall
                 crown you with honours.

And the Muse, Virtue's attendant,
will always remember you with love·
and the victims' blessings shall shoot to heaven
                 lifting up your name.                                     [100]


The Dorian guitar of line 58 is actually a cither, κιθαρα, more lyre than stratocaster—but then again κιθαρα is the root of our word ‘guitar’, and STC is clear that his lyre is being strummed rather than plucked or bowed (and the intimate relationship between guitars and slave/post-slave traditions of lament we call the Blues, whence rock, roll and the entire edifice of contemporary popular music, seemed to me worth flagging, even in passing). The deities Death (Θάνατος in line 1) and Nemesis (line 50) are well-enough known, but it might be worth glossing Themis (line 85; she's the Greek goddess of law and justice), explaining that Nike in line 90 means ‘Victory’ and noting that the ‘Love’ Coleridge invokes at the poem's end is not Philia, Philautia or Eros but Agape.

It seems that Coleridge found in William Bowles's poem ‘The Dying Slave’ (1791) the notion of slaves believing their souls would return to their homeland if they died on the passage. As for William Wilberforce (1759-1833): the earnest young (at this point) MP and anti-slavery campaigner is surely well known, even today. Slavery had been illegal in Britain since the Somersett v Stewart lawsuit in 1772 (although it seems the Judge, Lord Mansfield, never said the words reputed to him: ‘the air of England is too pure for any slave to breathe’, more's the pity). But the triangular trade, as it was called, continued long after this date: slaves from Africa to the West Indes and America, tobacco, cotton and sugar from these plantations to Europe, rum and various goods from Europe to Africa. Coleridge himself urged his friends to foreswear sugar and tobacco, in the hope that commercial boycott might disrupt the slave trade. Wilberforce believed direct legislation a better prospect. After the general election of June 1790, Wilberforce introduced the first parliamentary bill to abolish the international slave trade in April 1791. It was debated for two days, but was then defeated by 163 votes to 88 (the British political climate was nervy about the French Revolution, as well as about increasing radicalism at home and reports of slave revolts in the French West Indies). Wilberforce reintroduced his bill in 1792 but it was again defeated, or more precisely was stymied: Home Secretary Lord Melville proposed a compromise amendment, so-called ‘gradual abolition’ over an unspecified number of years. With this the bill was passed by 230 to 85 votes, but the point of the compromise was to ensure that actual abolition would be delayed indefinitely. When Coleridge, in his ode, talks about ‘the ever-delayed chariot of Nike’ (or Victory) in line 90, this is what he's referring to. When another vote to abolish slavery was brought to Parliament, in February 1793. It was defeated by eight votes. Thereafter the war with France stole the cause's thunder and it wasn't picked up again until the early nineteenth-century.


Wednesday, 30 October 2019

Two Lines on the Poet Laureate



Mays in his Poetical Works [1:89] prints this couplet as original Coleridge (though not, as you can see, without reservations). In fact it's Ovid, or more precisely Ovid as translated by Charles Avison.



Ovid's Latin is Metamorphosis 1:111-112, and means more strictly ‘rivers of milk and nectar ran across the plains, and golden honey was distilled out of the oak.’ Conceivably Coleridge quotes the translation rather than the original because Evans lacked Latin. ‘Canary’ is Canary wine, the stuff Shakespeare calls ‘Sack’; the ‘Guineas’ referred to are guinea peaches, a variety of the fruit much prized in the eighteenth-century.

Charles Avison (1709-70) was an English composer (many decades later Robert Browning wrote a poem in dialogue with him) and musical theorist. The passage screenshotted above is from pp.24-25 of An Essay on Musical Expression (1752), Avison's influential, if controversial, treatise on music composition and practice that argues (inter alia) that music expresses things words cannot.

Now I'm aware of course that tracking down hitherto unidentified quotations in the Coleridgean corpus is more-or-less dry and dusty work. But in this case the identification has some potentially interesting implications. It shows something that, so far as I know, has not previously been known about Coleridge: namely, that he was reading Avison's Essay (in late 1792 or more likely in early 1793), something that connects with youthful Coleridge's enthusiasm for Hartley. This is because as Herbert M. Schueller argues Avison's affective model of musical expressiveness was linked to Hartley, and more specifically Hartley's argument ‘that the pleasures of music which are of real value are the intellectual ones, and the most easily described of the intellectual pleasures seemed to be the associative type. Charles Avison thought that music elevates and enlivens the Fancy, obviously an associative faculty for him’ [Herbert M. Schueller, ‘The Pleasures of Music: Speculation in British Music Criticism, 1750-1800’, The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 8:3 (1950), pp. 155-171]. Schueller calls Avison's Essay ‘the focal point for the eighteenth century doctrine of music as imitation and expression’. It's interesting that Coleridge was reading it.

The big book on Coleridge and music is yet to be written, and this small datum might have some place in it, when it is finally assembled. Here's elderly Coleridge's Table Talk (July 1833 this, so right at the end of his life) on the topic:
Some music is above me; most music is beneath me., I like Beethoven and Mozart — or else some of the aerial compositions of the elder Italians, as Palestrina and Carissimi. And I love Purcell. The best sort of music is what it should be — sacred; the next best, the military, has fallen to the lot of the Devil. Good music never tires me, nor sends me to sleep. I feel physically refreshed and strengthened by it, as Milton says he did. I could write as good verses now as ever I did, if I were perfectly free from vexations, and were in the ad libitum hearing of fine music, which has a sensible effect in harmonizing my thoughts, and in animating and, as it were, lubricating my inventive faculty.
Quite a lot of potentially interesting stuff here, I think.

Friday, 11 October 2019

As Green As Emerald


Ancient Mariner, of course:
And now there came both mist and snow,
And it grew wondrous cold:
And ice, mast-high, came floating by,
As green as emerald. [lines 51-54]
Why green, though? Icebergs are white, as any fule kno. Ah, but Coleridge had never seen one with his own eyes. His sense of what an iceberg was, I now realise, came not just from books but from a particular book: David Crantz's two-volume History of Greenland (1767). We know Coleridge read this work because he makes reference to it in a footnote to ‘Destiny of Nations’, by way of explicating the famous ‘Wizard of Greenland’ passage (lines 98-112) from that poem. ‘Destiny’ was originally part of Southey's Joan of Arc (1796), and was republished as a Coleridge-only standalone in Sybilline Leaves (1817). Here's the relevant bit:



So: Coleridge was reading Crantz's History of Greenland in the mid-1790s, which is to say in the run-up to writing Ancient Mariner. And what does Crantz have to say about icebergs? I'm glad you asked:



So that's where STC's green icebergs come from!

And actually this context gives us new information regarding the poem. Perhaps we think of the phantasmagoric landscapes (or seascapes) through which the mariner travels as old, in some sense; importing ancientness from protagonist to environment—I suppose because his adventures seem like a personal psychodrama projected outward onto the big screen of the world. But maybe that's not what's going on here. When the mariner enters the land of mist and snow, he is entering a new world, with fresh-minted ice (not, so far as Coleridge believed, older, melted-and-refrozen bergs). That's interesting, I think.